Chapter 48: Uses of the habitual marker

Feature information for this chapter can be found in feature 48.

1. Feature description

An overt marker which expresses habitual aspect often fulfils other functions as well. This feature asks about the additional functions that an overt habitual marker may have.

From our comparative perspective, it is not important whether the habitual function of the marker is the basic function.

We only look at overt markers. If habituality is expressed by the bare verb without any overt marker (as for example in English), we treat the language as lacking a habitual marker (value 1).

This chapter is closely related to Chapter 47, which deals with the uses of the progressive marker (see that chapter for some definitions).

2. The values

We distinguish the following nine values:

exclshrdall
No overt habitual marker17017
Only habitual function171330
Habitual and progressive527
Habitual and current state101
Habitual and future202
Habitual, progressive, and current state9211
Habitual, current state, and future516
Habitual, progressive and future156
Habitual, progressive, current state, and future5510
Representation:76

Note that most values of this feature are very similar to values of feature 47 on the uses of the progressive marker since in many languages the progressive and the habitual function can be expressed by the same marker. The differences are due to the fact that some languages use a specific habitual marker or a specific progressive marker.

Value 1 (no overt habitual marker) occurs in all nine APiCS pidgin languages, in five French-based languages (Guyanais, Mauritian Creole, Reunion Creole, Seychelles Creole, Tayo), and in two Malay-based languages (Ambon Malay, Sri Lankan Malay). Note that in some languages with several overt tense and aspect markers, such as Guyanais or Seychelles Creole, the habitual is rendered by the zero-marked verb, which then has a functional load. This contrasts with (mostly pidgin) languages which have no, or only one, overt tense and aspect marker and where the zero-marked verb has no functional load.

Value 2 (only habitual function) is the most widespread value. It is found in six Ibero-Romance-based languages, in fifteen English-based languages, in two French-based languages, in two Dutch-based languages, in Kikongo-Kituba, Sango, in Hawai‘i Creole, and in the bilingual mixed languages Michif and Gurindji Kriol.

(1)
Tudu
every
diya,
day
N
1sg
ta
hab
kumé
eat
na
loc
fugoŋ.
kitchen
I eat in the kitchen every day.
(2)
She be telling people she eight.
She is always telling people she is eight.
(3)
Kòlbè
Colbert
konn
hab
vann
sell
liv
book
around
isi
here
a.
def
Colbert usually sells books around here.
(4)
Baa
see
ala
2pl
nyon-'ka
drink-hab
samba
beer
pepe.
neg
Look, I don't drink beer.

Value 3 (habitual and progressive) occurs in four English-based languages (Belizean Creole, Cameroon Pidgin English, Nigerian Pidgin, Singlish), in Kikongo-Kituba, in Juba Arabic, and in Mixed Ma’a/Mbugu.

(5)
À
1sg
ipfv
wosh
wash
plet.
plate
I wash dishes (every day). / I am washing dishes.

Value 4 (habitual and current state) is only found in Lingala.

(6)
a.
Na-sál-aka
1sg-work-hab
na
loc
Kinshása.
Kinshasa
I work in Kinshasa (habitually).
b.
Na-báng-aka
1sg-fear-ipfv
Nzámbe.
God
I fear God.

Value 5 (habitual and future) occurs in Guinea-Bissau Kriyol and Papiá Kristang.

(7)
a.
Sédu
early
sédu
early
eli
3sg
lo
fut
bai
go
mar.
sea
He will go fishing very early.
b.
Stanley
Stanley
niora
due.course
niora
due.course
lo
hab
bebé
drink
sura.
toddy
Stanley often drinks toddy.

Value 6 (habitual, progressive, and current state) occurs in five Ibero-Romance-based languages (Diu Indo-Portuguese, Batavia Creole, Cavite Chabacano, Ternate Chabacano, Zamboanga Chabacano), in four English-based languages (Early Sranan, Sranan, Ghanaian Pidgin English, Bislama), as well as in Berbice Dutch and in Media Lengua.

(8)
a.
Ta
ipfv
trabahá
work
éle
3sg
na
loc
Las
Las
Pínyas.
Pínyas
He works in Las Pínyas.
b.
Ta
ipfv
esperá
wait
yo
1sg
kon
obj
bo
2sg
ayer.
yesterday
I was waiting for you yesterday.
c.
Ta
ipfv
kré
believe
lótru
3pl
na
in
kel
def
milágru
miracle
sánto
holy
nínyo.
child
They believe in the miracles of the holy child.

Value 7 (habitual, current state, and future) is present in five Portuguese-based languages (Cape Verdean Creole of Brava and of Santiago, Santome, Angolar, Principense), and in Juba Arabic.

(9)
a.
Nu
1pl
ta
hab
fika
stay
ku
with
bontadi
longing
di
of
panha
take
otu,
other
ma
but
ka
neg
ten.
have
We would long for more but there was not any more.
b.
N
1sg
ta
ipfv
lenbra
remember
kuma
comp
nu
1pl
tinha,
had
tinha
had
falta.
need
I remember that we were in need.
c.
N
1sg
fra-z,
tell-3pl
kuazi
maybe
N
1sg
ta
fut
bai
go
Praia.
Praia
I told them that maybe I'll go to Praia.

Value 8 (habitual, progressive, and future) occurs in three English-based languages (Creolese, Jamaican, Vincentian Creole), as well as in Louisiana Creole, in Negerhollands, and in Sango.

(10)
a.
Nyen'
what
aso
sm.hurt
mo
2sg
si
then
mo
2sg
eke
cop/prog
toto
cry
tongaso?
thus
What ails you that you are crying like this?
b.
Mo
2sg
yeke
cop/hab
te
eat
nyama
meat
ti
of
nyen'?
what
What kind of meat do you (habitually) eat?
c.
Mbi
1sg
ke
cop/fut
leke
fix
tere
body
ti
of
mbi
1sg
ti
of
kiri.
return
I'll prepare myself to return.

Value 9 (habitual, progressive, current state, and future) occurs in two Ibero-Romance-based languages (Cape Verdean Creole of São Vicente, Papiamentu), in five English-based languages (Bahamian Creole, Gullah, Nengee, Saramaccan, Pichi), in two French-based languages (Guadeloupean Creole, Martinican Creole), and in Kinubi.

(11)
a.
Úmun
3pl
gi-ákul
hab-eat
ákil
food
ta
gen
Núbi.
Nubi
They eat the Nubian food.
b.
Nyerekú
child
de
dem
bi-gi-rúa
fut-prog-go
fi
loc
bé.
house
The child will be going home.
c.
Ána
1sg
gi-kumbúka
ipfv-remember
wázi.
well
I remember well.
d.
Íta
2sg
gu-rúo
fut-go
búkra.
tomorrow
You will leave tomorrow.

The values of this feature do not display any particular areal distribution, except for value 7, which occurs in five out of nine West African Portuguese-based creoles (as well as in Juba Arabic), and value 9, which only occurs in the Atlantic area (as well as in Kinubi).

In some languages, the habitual marker is derived from a full verb that does not function as a marker of habituality in the lexifier languages. Examples are the verb ‘can’ (kan in Negerhollands, kin in Krio, kìn in Pichi), ‘know’ (konn in Haitian Creole, kone in Louisiana Creole, sa in Papiamentu, sa ~ save in Tok Pisin, save in Bislama), or ‘love’ (Saramaccan lo).