Chapter 73: Predicative noun phrases

Feature information for this chapter can be found in feature 73.

1. Introduction

This chapter is about the presence or absence of a copula in clauses with predicative noun phrases with class-inclusion function (based on Stassen 2005d). Thus we study how a situation like ‘Mary is a singer.’ is expressed in the APiCS languages. In class-inclusion constructions, the predicative noun phrase (‘a singer’) is indefinite and non-referential. We disregard predicative noun phrases with identification function as in ‘My sister is the woman next to the singer.’, where the predicative noun phrase is definite and referential. Moreover, we restrict our comparison to stative situations, i.e. we leave aside situations like ‘Mary became a singer.’.

A copula is defined as any overt element that occurs in such clauses apart from the subject and the predicative noun phrase and that does not normally occur in verbal clauses. The copula need not be a verb. Thus, resumptive pronouns, as in Hebrew David hu student. [David he student] ‘David is a student.’, are also considered as copulas. However, the Seychelles Creole predicate marker i, as in David i letidyan. [David pm student] ‘David is a student.’, is not a copula because it also occurs in verbal clauses (David i vini ‘David comes’). Discourse or focus markers can also function as copulas in the definition proposed here (see ex. 5 from Belizean Creole). In Belizean Creole, the particle da, which Escure (2013) analyzes as a focus particle, is still classified as a copula within the APiCS comparison. Thus our definition of copula as a cross-linguistic comparative concept does not have to coincide with language-particular definitions of copula (compare also our definition of adjective as a cross-linguistic comparative concept contrasting with language-specific definitions in Chapter 3, Order of adjective and noun).

For this chapter, only present-tense clauses are taken into account, because where copula use is variable, it most often depends on tense: In the present tense, no copula is used, while in other tenses, a copula must be used (e.g. in Russian and Arabic).

2. The values

In this feature we distinguish three values:

Invariant copula33
No copula22
Variable copula21
Representation:76

33 APiCS languages have an invariant copula, i.e. the copula always occurs (value 1).

(1)
Tarzan
Tarzan
es
cop
bas
bus
draiwa.
driver
Tarzan is a bus driver.
(2)
U
3sg
nas
nurse
baito.
cop
She's a nurse.
(3)
Jematu
Jematu
e
cop
piskador.
fisherman
Jematu is a fisherman.

In Guyanais the copula sa is used if no TAM markers are present, which means that it is obligatory in the present tense:

(4)
i
she
sa
cop
gran-grèk
professor/researcher
She is a professor at university. (Gran-grèk literally means old Greek.)

In Belizean Creole, predicative noun phrases have to occur with the copula da (see 5a), which also functions as a focus particle or topicalizer (see 5b):

(5)
a.
Dog
dog
pa
father
fi
for
dem
them
pap
pup
da
cop
wan
a
big
big
dog.
dog
These puppies' father is a big dog.
b.
Da
foc
ʃel
Shell
haya
hire
di
the
bowt
boat
fra
from
djimi.
Jimmy
It's Shell that rented Jimmy's boat.

In 22 APiCS languages, a copula is never used (value 2). The following APiCS languages show this value, for example:

(6)
Yena
he
lo
art
ticha.
teacher
He is a teacher.
(7)
Mari
Mary
pa
neg
dòktè,
doctor
Mari
Mary
enfirmyèz.
nurse
Mary is not a doctor, she is a nurse.

Since we disregard tense forms other than the present tense, languages which show copulas in non-present tenses (like Russian and Arabic) also fall into this type. This is the case in Zamboanga Chabacano, where in present contexts there is no copula with predicative noun phrases (see ex. 8a), whereas in past contexts a copula (estaba, see ex. 8b) is required:

(8)
a.
Hendéq
neg
'le
s/he
amerikáno.
American
S/he is not an American.
b.
Un
a
estudyánte
student
estába
was
si
ag
Teresa.
Teresa
Teresa was once a student.

Finally, in 21 APiCS languages the use of a copula is variable: It occurs under certain conditions (other than tense, as pointed out earlier), but not under others (value 3). Examples of languages which show optional copulas not conditioned by grammatical factors, i.e. in free variation, are Bahamian Creole and Singlish:

(9)
a.
My
1sg.poss
dad
father
is
cop
a
art
doctor.
doctor
My father is a doctor.
b.
He
3sg
quite
quite
poor
poor
thing
thing
also
also
lɔ33.
pcl
He is quite a poor thing as well [obviousness, resignedly].

Other languages with a variable copula have grammatical conditioning factors for the presence or absence of a copula with predicative noun phrases. One prominent condition is negation. For example, in Vincentian Creole, affirmative sentences (cf. 10a) show a copula, whereas negated sentences (cf. 10b) lack a copula (a being the copula and not the indefinite article).

(10)
a.
Hi
3sg
a
cop
paasta.
pastor
He is a pastor.
b.
Hi
3sg
na
neg
(no)
(indf)
paasta.
paasta.
He is not a pastor.

Another condition for the occurrence of a copula is main clause vs. (specific) subordinate clauses. In Principense the copula sa is excluded from most contexts, main clauses included (see 11a). But in certain subordinate clauses, e.g. in relative clauses and some complement clauses, the presence of the copula is obligatory (see 11b).

(11)
a.
Ê
3sg
ladran
thief
mutu.
very
He is a big thief.
b.
M
1sg
mêsê
want
pa
comp
txi
2sg
sa
cop
dôtô.
doctor
I want you to be a doctor.

3. Distribution

All three values are quite evenly distributed over the APiCS languages. There seem to be some geographical patterns. Copula languages (languages showing value 1 or value 3) are concentrated in the Americas, the Atlantic region, in Africa, and in northern India. Languages in which a copula cannot occur are mainly found in the Indian Ocean, South Asia, Southeast Asia, Australia and the Pacific. Interestingly, the two French-based languages, Martinican and Guadeloupean Creole (see ex. 7), are the only creoles in the Caribbean which have no copula.

If one compares the APiCS data with the corresponding WALS data, one finds first that the West African substrates of the Atlantic creoles have obligatory copulas, so that it is not surprising that the Atlantic creoles have them too. More interesting languages are those where the substrate languages diverge from the European lexifier, and where the contact languages follow the substrates in allowing zero-copulas, as is the case in Sri Lanka Portuguese, Tok Pisin, and Kriol.

One often cited claim in the literature is that pidgins as very simplified languages do not show any copula in such constructions (Ferguson 1971: 141ff). And this is indeed the case for some of the APiCS languages: Eskimo Pidgin, Pidgin Chinese Russian, Fanakalo (see ex. 6) and Pidgin Hawaiian. But there are also pidgins with a copula: Yimas-Arafundi Pidgin, Pidgin Hindustani and Chinese Pidgin English, the latter showing optional copulas (see also Baker 1995: 8 on the role of the copula in pidgins and creoles). As for Yimas-Arafundi Pidgin, at least Yimas, one of the contributing languages, also shows a copula construction.