Chapter 46: Tightness of the link between the progressive marker and the verb

Feature information for this chapter can be found in feature 46.

1. Introduction

This feature asks how tightly linked the (overt) progressive marker and the verb are, and especially asks which elements (if any) may intervene between the progressive marker and the verb.

A progressive construction refers to ongoing activities, as in English she is working. It does not matter whether this marker has other functions as long as the construction has a progressive interpretation; in this sense, the French present tense elle travaille ‘she is working, she works’ is a progressive construction, although it also fulfils other functions (e.g. present habitual). However, the French construction does not display an overt progressive marker and therefore would not be relevant for this feature.

We distinguish between progressive affixes and progressive particles, i.e. separate words. If the progressive marker is an auxiliary (e.g. Tok Pisin istap), this also counts as a particle. And if there are two or more different progressive markers in the language, only the more grammaticalized one is taken into account.

2. The values

The following six values are distinguished:

Affix14
Particle, nothing can intervene31
Particle, only grammatical markers can intervene6
Particle, a few lexical items may intervene15
Particle, open-class items may intervene3
No overt progressive marker5
Representation:74

Value 1 (the progressive marker is an affix) occurs in seven English-based languages (African American English, Bahamian Creole, Hawai’i Creole, Kriol, Nicaraguan Creole, Norf’k, Singlish), in three Ibero-Romance-based Creoles (Korlai, Sri Lanka Portuguese, Zamboanga Chabacano), in Berbice Dutch, in Media Lengua, in Mixed Ma’a/Mbugu, and in the mixed language Gurindji Kriol.

(1)
I-xu-ni
go-prog-1sg
kaza-mu.
house-all
I am going home.

In all English-based languages displaying value 1, the progressive affix goes back to the English gerundial construction with -ing (sing-ing), as in Singlish:

(2)
Hey, I think the driver trying to be funny, you know.

In the Portuguese-based creole Korlai, the progressive affix also goes back to the Portuguese gerundial construction with -ndo (canta-ndo ‘singing’):

(3)
Teru
Teru
sirwis
work
hedze-n.
do-prog
Teru is working.

The only European-based languages whose progressive marker does not go back to a European gerund construction are Berbice Dutch, Sri Lanka Portuguese, and Zamboanga Chabacano.

(4)
O
3sg
wa
pst
riʃa.
swell.prog
He was swelling.
(5)
Ta-kantá
prog-sing
kamó.
2pl
You are singing.

Value 2 (the progressive marker is a particle, and nothing can intervene) is the most widespread type. Note that the dividing line between an affix (value 1) and a particle which does not allow for an element intervening between it and the verb is not always clear-cut. This means that, for some of the languages exhibiting value 2, value 1 might be more adequate.

(6)
Gósiŋ
now
i
3sg
ka
neg
podé
can
kudí-bu
answer-2sg
parbiya
because
i
3sg
na
prog
tarbajá.
work
He/She cannot answer you because he/she is working.
(7)
À
1sg
bin
pst
don
compl
kom
realis
prog
go.
go
I had actually been going.
(8)
Hangri
hungry
de
prog
killi
kill
mi.
1sg
I am hungry. (Lit. Hunger is killing me.)
(9)
Sinu
3pl
a
pst
lo
prog
wandu.
walk
They were walking.
(10)
Man
man
hai-tl'kup
prog-cut
lup.
rope
The man is cutting the rope.
(11)
Generation
generation
ta
gen
ásede
today
gi-ábidu
prog-start
ágara.
study
This generation starts to study.
(12)
Ta
2sg
atran
prog
de
prog
fe
do
kwa
what
se
dem
mata?
morning
What are you doing this morning?

Value 3 (the progressive marker is a particle, but only grammatical markers like other TAM markers may intervene) occurs in Ambon Malay, Cape Verdean Creole of Santiago, Ghanaian Pidgin English, Guinea-Bissau Kriyol, Palenquero, and Yimas-Arafundi Pidgin. In these languages, only other TAM markers are reported to intervene between the progressive marker and the verb.

(13)
Lyo,
yes
beta
1sg
ada
prog
mo
fut
pi.
go
Yes, I'm about to go.
(14)
Nau
now
def
tin
thing
prog
kam
seq
sprɛd.
spread
[And] now the thing was starting to spread.
(15)
Ama
1sg
tɛpa-mbi
bathe-depv
ta-nan.
prog-nfut
I'm washing.

Value 4 (the progressive marker is a particle, and a few lexical elements may intervene) occurs in four Ibero-Romance-based languages (Angolar, Cape Verdean Creole of Brava, Principense, Papiamentu), in seven French-based languages (Guyanais, Haitian Creole, Mauritian Creole, Reunion Creole, Seychelles Creole, Guadeloupean Creole, Martinican Creole), in two English-based languages (Pichi, Vincentian Creole), in Lingala, and in Pidgin Hawaiian. In these languages, only adverbs, especially time adverbs, are reported to occur between the progressive marker and the verb (besides other TAM markers as in value 3).

(16)
Maria
Maria
sta
prog
senpri
always
ta
asp
pensa
think
na
of
se
poss
mininu.
child
Maria is always thinking of her child.
(17)
Mo
1sg
ka
prog
jis
just
krè
believe
zombi-a
zombie-def
ka
ipfv
egzisté.
exist
I'm about to believe that the zombie exists.
(18)
Hi
3sg
a
prog
juhs
just
sel
sell
sprat.
sprat
He is only selling sprat.

Value 5 (the progressive marker is a particle, and open-class items may intervene) only occurs in Afrikaans, in Michif, and in Tok Pisin:

(19)
Li
def.m.sg
shyaen
dog
mekwaat
prog
aen
indf.m.sg
zoo
bone
maamaakwaht-em.
chew.inan-3>3
The dog is chewing on a bone.
(20)
Ol
pl
lapun
old
meri
woman
i
pm
mumu-im
earth.oven-tr
kaikai
food
istap.
prog
The old women are cooking food in an earth oven.

Value 6 (no overt progressive marker) occurs in Chinese Pidgin English, Chinese Pidgin Russian, Eskimo Pidgin, Pidgin Hindustani, and Fanakalo.

There is no particular geographical distribution for the different values, except for the fact that value 3 (the progressive marker is a particle, some lexical items may intervene) is absent from South and Southeast Asia.