Chapter 86: 'Give' serial verb constructions

Feature information for this chapter can be found in feature 86.

1. Feature description

Following Aikhenvald (2006: 1), we define serial verb constructions as referring to single, monoclausal events which have just one tense, aspect, and polarity value and which do not show any sign of coordination or subordination.

In serialising languages, the verb ‘give’ may be used as a serial verb, introducing a recipient or a beneficiary.

Some authors, as for instance Fattier (2013, on Haitian Creole), are not sure whether to treat the item under discussion as a verb or as an adposition. In Haitian Creole, it is clear that the item ba and its variants, used for recipient and benefactive, is etymologically derived from the now obsolete French verb bailler ‘give’ and is related to the Haitian Creole verb ba ~ bay ‘give’, but we have not asked the authors to establish the (synchronic) syntactic category of the item under discussion; in other words, we have not inquired as to whether the verb ‘give’ has fully grammaticalized into an adposition.

The syntactic category of a given word can only be determined by syntactic tests. Looking for example at the verb da ‘give’ in Principense, it appears that this verb, when used as a serial verb, possesses verbal as well as adpositional properties, which means that this serial verb is located halfway along the grammaticalization path from verb to adposition.

A verbal property is exemplified by the fact that in focus constructions, serial da may not be fronted, in contrast to the preposition ‘for’:

(1)
a.
Ningê
person
this
êli
foc
ki
rel
n
1sg
kopa
buy
livu
book
da.
give
It is for this person that I bought books.
b.
*Da ningê sê ki n kopa livu.
c.
for
ningê
person
this
ki
foc.rel
n
1sg
kopa
buy
livu.
book

Note that preposition stranding without a pronoun is not allowed in Principense (Maurer 2009: 107f.)

A prepositional property of serial da is exemplified by the fact that, like the preposition , it may be used in answers: Da Pedu. / Pô Pedu. ‘(Whom did you buy this book for?) For Pedu.’

2. The values

We distinguish the following four values:

‘Give’ in second position, recipient only12
‘Give’ in second position, recipient or beneficiary14
‘Give’ in first position, recipient only6
No ‘give’ serials exist43
Representation:75

Value 1 (serial ‘give’ in second position introducing only recipients) is found in one Portuguese-based language, in seven English-based languages, in two French-based languages, in Berbice Dutch, and in Singapore Bazaar Malay.

(2)
A
3.gen
ska
prog
fe
make
wan
art
xadyi
house
da
give
na-namay.
art-family
They were building a house for the family.
(3)
Luk
look
di
art
klos
clothes
we
rel
yu
poss
mama
mother
dai
die
lɛf
leave
gi
give
yu
you
Here are the clothes that your mother left for you when she died.
(4)
I
1sg
buy
buy
chok
congee
give
give
you.
2pl
I bought rice congee for you.
(5)
I
3sg
matjé
write
an
art
let
letter
ba
give
Joj.
George
She wrote a letter to George.
(6)
O
3sg
ma
fut
tiri
send
en
one
pi
give
ɛkɛ.
1sg
He will send me one.
(7)
Dia
3sg
beli
buy
itu
dem
buku
book
kasi
give
dia
3sg
punya
poss
anak
child
ah.
pcl
She bought the book for her child.

Value 2 (serial ‘give’ in second position introducing recipient or beneficiary) occurs in four Portuguese-based languages, in seven English-based languages, in two French-based languages, and in Negerhollands.

(8)
a.
Kaba
and
dem
pl
tu
two
sissa
sister
senni
send
muffe
word
gi
give
Jesus
Jesus
[...].
[...]
And the two sisters sent a message to Jesus [...].
b.
Dem
3pl
sa
fut
hoppo
open
dorro
door
gi
give
hem.
3sg
They will open the door for him.
(9)
a.
Di
det
difi
dove
sini
3pl
am
3sg
a
pst
kan
hab
goi
throw
mais
corn
mi
with
ris
rice
gi
give
sini.
3pl
To the doves, he used to throw corn and rice to them.
b.
Ju
2sg
ha
have
fo
for
fin
find
di
dem
gi
give
mi.
1sg
You have to find it for me.
(10)
a.
Mo
1sg
achté
buy
liv
book
ba
give
to.
2sg
I bought a book for you.
b.
Mo
1sg
fut
véyé
look.after
timoun
child
ba
give
to.
2sg
I shall look after the child for you.

Value 3 (serial ‘give’ in first position introducing only recipients) is found in Ambon Malay as well as in the two Southeast Asian Portuguese-based languages and in the three Spanish-based based languages of the Philippines.

(11)
Lalu
then
antua
3sg.formal
kasi
give
pulang
go.home
kembali
return
itu
dem
anak.
child
Then she returned the children to their homes.
(12)
E
3sg
ja
pfv
da
give
mpustá
borrow
ku
obj
yo
1sg
aké
dem
langgiáng.
push_net
He loaned me that push-net.
(13)
Isti
dem
belu
old.man
da
give
sabe
know
kung
obj
ile
3sg
ki
comp
esta
dem
teng
cop
lugar
place
[...]
[...]
The old man told him that this was the place [...].
(14)
Ya
pfv
dale
give
mira
look
ele
3sg
el
art
retrato
picture
conmigo.
obj.1sg
She showed me the picture.

Note that in the case of value 3, serial ‘give’ and the second verb form a syntactic unit; this can best be seen in example (14), where the subject ele follows dale mira ‘give look’, i.e. ‘show’.

3. Distribution

Out of the 32 languages possessing serial ‘give’, the great majority (26 languages) show this verb in second position, as opposed to 6 languages which have serial ‘give’ in first position.

The geographical distribution of the values shows a very clear picture: value 1 and value 2 occur almost exclusively in the Atlantic area, whereas value 3 is restricted to Southeast Asia.

Diachronically, this feature is due to substrate (or adstrate) influence, although from different sources. The fact that value 1 and 2 (serial ‘give’ in second position) occur in the Atlantic area is without doubt due to West African influence, whereas the presence of the same two values in Southeast Asia (value 1 in Singlish and in Singapore Bazaar Malay, see examples 4 and 7) is most probably due to Sinitic influence.

As for value 3 (serial ‘give’ in first position), the origin of the construction is Malay and other related languages.

Value 4, no ‘give’ serials, is represented all over the world, in all the bilingual mixed languages but also in some Atlantic creoles with West African substrate influence such as Belizean Creole, Louisiana Creole, Papiamentu, and Pichi, as well as Sri Lankan Malay, which, although spoken in South India, is partially derived from Malay and might have been expected to exhibit value 3 as Ambon Malay does.