Chapter 61: Order of recipient and theme in ditransitive constructions

Feature information for this chapter can be found in feature 61.

1. Ditransitive constructions

As we saw in the preceding chapter, a ditransitive construction is a monoclausal construction containing a verb of physical or mental transfer and three arguments: an agent, a theme (i.e. the thing that is transferred) and a recipient (or addressee). Again, this chapter is mostly concerned with ‘give’, the most frequent ditransitive verb. While Chapter 60 focused on argument coding, in this chapter we consider the order of the recipient and the theme with respect to each other and with respect to the verb. The position of the subject/agent is not so interesting, as it is almost always in the same position with respect to the verb and the two objects as in monoclausal constructions (with respect to the verb and the single object, see Chapter 1).

Sometimes pronominal objects occupy a different position from full NP objects. In this chapter, the special position of pronominal objects is mostly ignored. Constructions with special information structure properties are also ignored.

2. The values

We distinguish eight different ordering possibilities, out of which only the first two occur with any frequency in our data, corresponding to the strong tendency for SVO structure in the APiCS languages. SOV order (cf. values 3 and 4) and verb-initial order (cf. values 5 and 6) are quite rare in our languages. Still other possibilities are quite marginal (cf. values 7 and 8).

exclshrdall
Subject – verb – recipient – theme233962
Subject – verb – theme – recipient63945
Subject – theme – recipient – verb055
Subject – recipient – theme – verb268
Verb-initial recipient – theme033
Verb-initial theme – recipient145
Other recipient – theme033
Other theme – recipient022
Representation:75

Value 5 effectively means the order V-S-R-T (because V-R-S-T and V-R-T-S do not occur at all), but value 6 comprises the ordering possibilities V-S-T-R, V-T-S-R, and V-T-R-S.

Other R-T ordering options (value 7) are S-R-V-T, R-V-T-S, and R-T-V-S. Another T-R ordering option (value 8) is S-T-V-R.

Overall, we see that recipient – theme ordering is clearly preferred among the APiCS languages, not only in SVO languages (value 1 vs. 2), but also, if less clearly, in SOV languages (value 4 vs. 3), where only S-R-T-V is reported as the only possible option for two languages.

3. Ordering of recipient and theme in SVO languages

In SVO languages, there is a clear correlation between the marking and the positioning of the recipient: When the recipient is not coded in a special way and cooccurs with the theme in a double-object construction (i.e. when the alignment is neutral, cf. Chapter 60), we overwhelmingly find the order S-V-R-T (value 1):

(1)
a.
Ê
he
ra
give
Têtêuga
turtle
ũa
one
kiba
part
palaxu.
palace
He gave Turtle a part of his palace.
b.
Pòl
Paul
ba
give
Anita
Anita
yon
indf
mango.
mango
Paul gave Anita a mango.
c.
Missis
Missus
bin
pst
oldei
always
giv-it
give-tr
mibala
1pl.excl
boks-is.
box-pl
The Missus used to give us boxes (with matches, to burn the grass).

By contrast, when the recipient is marked by a preposition and the theme is unmarked (i.e. when the alignment is indirective), we overwhelmingly find the order S-V-T-R (value 2):

(2)
a.
Yo
1sg
a
irr.npst
da
give.inf
kriãs
child
dat
tɛtɛ.
aunt
I will give the children to (my) aunt.
b.
máyka
2sg
pátlač
give
kámuks
dog
kápa
prep
tánas
small
You're giving the child a dog.

In quite a few APiCS languages, there is an alternation between a double-object construction (see 3a and 4a) and an indirective construction (see 3b and 4b), with the word order alternating as well, just as in the English Dative Alternation:

(3)
a.
Bo
2sg
por
can
pasa
pass
mi
1sg
e
def
skalchi?
dish
Can you pass me the dish?
b.
Bo
2sg
por
can
pasa
pass
e
def
skalchi
dish
pa
for
mi?
1sg
Can you pass the dish to me?
(4)
a.
Dia
3sg
kasi
give
kita
1pl
ini.
dem
He gave us this.
b.
Jangan
don't
kasi
give
wang
money
sama
with
ini
dem
macam
like
punya
of
olang.
person
Don't give money to people like him.

This kind of ordering alternation is found not only when the recipient is marked by a preposition, but also when it is marked by a serial verb, as in (5b):

(5)
a.
Di
def.sg
womi
man
da
give
di
def.sg
mujee
woman
wan
one
buku.
book
The man gave the woman one book.
b.
Di
def.sg
womi
man
da
give
tu
two
buku
book
da
give
di
def.sg
mujɛɛ.
woman
The man gave two books to the woman.

Moreover, it is found far beyond English-based languages, so English influence explains the pattern only for a few of the languages. And the preference for R-T ordering with double-object constructions and T-R ordering with indirective constructions seems to be general in the world’s languages (Heine & König 2010).

4. Deviating orders

Deviations from the general pattern are quite uncommon. Recipient-theme order with prepositional recipients tends to be found only when the recipient is a pronoun and hence quite short, e.g.

(6)
úo
3sg
wedí
give
le
to
ána
1sg
gurúʃ
money
He gave me money.
(7)
giv-it
give-tr
bek
back
langa
loc
im
3sg
thet
dem
taka
tucker
blanga
dat/poss
im
3sg
Give that food of hers back to her.

The opposite pattern, T-R order in an SVO language with a double-object construction is rare but is occasionally found in the Indian Ocean, e.g.

(8)
I
fin
fo
must
ou
2sg
donn
give
pa
neg
manzé
food
marmay
child
la!
dem
You should not give these children food!

5. Ordering of recipient and theme in SOV and verb-initial languages

When the usual order is subject-object-verb, there seems to be a general preference for recipient-theme order, but no clear correlation with the type of coding. In these languages, the coding may be by a postposition or case suffix:

(9)
trees
three
poɖiyaas-pa
child.pl-dat
ʈyuviʃan
tuition
ta-daa
prs-give
[They] are giving tuition to three children.

And among the languages that allow verb-final order, there are some (such as Afrikaans and Michif) that have many different orders, with complicated syntactic or pragmatic conditioning.

Verb-initial order is found especially in the Spanish-based languages of the Philippines, and since these have prepositional recipients, it is not surprising that they generally show V-T-R order (rather than V-R-T order), e.g.

(10)
Ya
pfv
dáli
give
Lóling
Loling
sen
money
kon
obj
Lólet.
Lolet
Loling gave money to Lolet.