Chapter 105: Verb doubling and focus

Feature information for this chapter can be found in feature 105.

1. Feature description

This feature is about the possibility of doubling the verb in order to focus on the situation referred to by the verb.

There are two main kinds of verb doubling constructions: the fronting of the verb with a copy of the verb left in the background clause (example 1), and the reduplication of the verb within the matrix clause (example 2).

(1)
Da
cop
koksi
mock
ju
2sg
koksi
mock
mi.
1sg
You are really mocking me. (Lit. 'It is you are mocking me.')
(2)
Mbi
1sg
vo
buy
vo-ngo
buy-nom
pepe.
negation/negative
I didn't buy it (because someone gave it to me).
See example 59-344

The fact that in example (2) the second verb is nominalized is not important here; in verb doubling constructions involving a copula, it is the copula that nominalizes the verb.

2. The values

The following three values are distinguished:

exclshrdall
No verb doubling42042
Verb fronted with a copy in the background clause29029
Verb reduplicated101
Representation:72

Value 1 (no verb doubling) is found in more than half of the APiCS languages. The following examples show constructions in which the verb is focused, but without doubling:

(3)
Tánia
Tánia
so
only
andá,
walk
el
3sg
ka
neg
korrê.
run
Tania only walked, she didn't run.
See example 32-175
(4)
deɪ
3pl
plɛin
play.prog
ɔ
or
faɪtin?
fight.prog
deɪ
3pl
plɛin
play.prog
Are they playing or fighting? They are playing.

Value 2 (verb fronting with a copy in the background clause) is found in creoles and pidgins of different lexical bases. The constructions are sometimes cleft-like, and they may vary according to the following parameters: presence or absence of a highlighter, copular or non-copular highlighter, presence or absence of a relativizer (or relative pronoun) heading the background clause, and a combination of these three parameters.

Verb clefting implies the use of a relativizer (examples 8 and 11-13); the difference between the clefting of verbs and the clefting of nouns (see Chapter 104) is that in nominal clefting (and fronting), no copy is left in the background clause, as in It’s mother that I saw Ø.

In Early Sranan (example 1), there is a copular highlighter and no relativizer; this construction also occurs in other creole languages:

(5)
[...]
[...]
a
cop
lak
laugh
am
3sg
lo
prog
lak!
laugh
[...] he was laughing!
(6)
Iz
cop
walk
walk
he
3sg
walkin.
walk.prog
He really is walking (and not taking the bus).
See example 6-113

Berbice Dutch has the same construction, but it may add the focus marker so to the verb:

(7)
Da
cop
mu
go
so
foc
o
3sg
wa
pst
mutɛ.
go.pfv
He had really gone.

Example (8) contains a copular highlighter and a relativizer:

(8)
Na
cop
waka
walk
we
rel
a
1sg
waka,
walk
a
1sg
no
neg
bin
pst
run.
run
It was walking that I did, not running.

The following examples illustrate the construction with a non-copular highlighter without a relativizer:

(9)
2sg
ska
prog
bêbê -
drink
Inô,
neg
kume
eat
so
hl
n
1sg
ska
prog
kume.
eat
You are drinking! - No, I am eating.
(10)
Se
hl
chire
tear
Siltana
Sultana
te
ant
chire
tear
rad
clothes
la.
def
Sultana had torn the clothes.
See example 49-323

In the following examples, there is a non-copular highlighter as well as a relativizer:

(11)
hl
wàka
walk
we̱
rel
à
1sg
wàka.
walk
It is walking that i did.
See example 17-184
(12)
Txi
2sg
sa
prog
kume
eat
a? -
q
Ade
no
ô,
val
bêbê
drink
êli
foc
ki
rel
n
1sg
sa
prog
bêbê.
drink
Are you eating? - No, I am drinking.

Guinea-Bissau Kriyol uses no highlighter, but a relativizer:

(13)
Kuri
run
ku
rel
i
3sg
na
prog
kuri,
run
i
3sg
ka
neg
na
prog
bua.
fly
He is running, he is not flying.

Martinican Creole and Saramaccan use a construction without a highlighter and without a relativizer:

(14)
Achté
buy
man
1sg
achté-y.
buy-3sg
I did buy it.
(15)
Síki
be.sick
def
wómi
man
síki.
be.sick
The man is really sick.

Value 3 (reduplication of the verb) exists only in Sango (see example 2). As shown by (16), the main verb and the nominalized verb are not obligatorily adjacent; in this particular case, the two verbs are separated by gi ‘only’.

(16)
A-zo
pl-person
a-vo
pm-buy
gi
only
vo-ngo.
buy-nmlz
People just buy it (without subscribing to the newspaper).

3. Distribution

Value 1 (no verb doubling) is found in 9 Caribbean, South American, and North American languages, as well as in 33 African and Asian languages (i.e. 48% of all languages), whereas value 2 (verb fronting leaving a copy in the background clause), which is present in 40% of the APiCS languages, is an essentially Atlantic feature (17 in the Caribbean and 9 in West Africa). The only three non-Atlantic languages displaying value 2 are Lingala and Kikongo-Kituba in Africa, as well as Korlai in South Asia. In Kikongo-Kituba, the fronted verb is nominalized with the infinitive prefix ku-:

(17)
Ku-dia
inf-eat
yayi
dem
ya
rel
yandi
3sg
ke
cop
dia.
eat
It is particular way he is eating.

In Lingala, the fronted verb is inflected for person and tense:

(18)
A-défís-ákí
3sg-lend-pst
2sg
yangó
3sg.inan
ko-défis-a,
inf-lend-fv
a-kabél-ákí
3sg-offer-pst
2sg
té.
neg
She lent it to you, she didn't give it.

In Korlai, the fronted verb is modified by the same tense and aspect suffix that modifies the verb in the background clause:

(19)
Khure-n
run-prog
el
3sg
nu
neg
ti
pst
khure-n,
run-prog
el
3sg
ti
pst
marʧa-n.
walk-prog
S/he wasn't running, she was walking.

Verb doubling used as a means of focusing on the situation referred to by the verb is a feature that does not exist (or that exists only marginally) in European languages; in contrast, it is widespread in West African languages. Since this feature occurs almost exclusively in Atlantic creoles, a West African substrate influence on these creoles is highly probable.