Chapter 97: ‘Want’ complement subjects

Feature information for this chapter can be found in feature 97.

1. ‘Want’ complements

In a complement clause, the subject can either be referentially different from or referentially identical to the superordinate subject. For ‘want’ complement clauses, these two possibilities are illustrated in (1a-b).

(1)
He1 wants [Ø1 to come home]. (same subject)
He1 wants [her2 to come home]. (different subject)

In English and the other well-known European languages, same-subject complement clauses have an implicit subject (indicated by Ø in example 1a). This is economical, because with ‘want’, subject identity is far more common than subject distinctness (Haspelmath 2013b).

But in some languages, the subject of the ‘want’ complement clause is expressed overtly even when it is identical to the superordinate subject, e.g.

(2)
Ê1
3sg
mêthê
want
p'
that
ê1
3sg
m'me
eat
ũa
one
kwa
thing
rosi.
sweet
He wants to eat something sweet.

Example (2) is translated literally as ‘He wants that he eat something sweet’.

This chapter follows Haspelmath’s (2005f) WALS chapter. It only considers same-subject ‘want’ constructions (for different-subject ‘want’ constructions, see Chapter 98). We primarily ask whether the complement clause has an implicit subject or whether it is expressed overtly. The distribution of the four values distinguished here is shown in the value box. As can be seen, the great majority of APiCS languages follow the implicit-subject pattern in (1a).

exclshrdall
The complement subject is left implicit581371
The complement subject is expressed overtly01313
Desiderative verbal affix112
Desiderative particle101
Representation:73

2. Implicit-subject ‘want’ constructions

Implicit-subject ‘want’ constructions (value 1) are found in the great majority of APiCS languages, illustrated below. (In all examples in this chapter, the complement clause is enclosed in brackets in the gloss line.)

(3)
Si
if
to
2sg
olé
want
vini
[become
padna
friend]
no
1pl
va
fut
fouyé
dig
ein
a
pi.
well
If you want to be my friend, we will dig a well.
(4)

they don't want work

‘they don’t want to work’

(5)
Hulanda
Holland
no
neg
ke
want
paga
[pay
sierto
certain
debe
debt
nan
pl
di
of
gobièrnu.
government]
Holland does not want to pay certain government debts.

In many Indo-European languages, the verb ‘want’ combines with a special “infinitive” form of the verb, but in most pidgin and creole languages, the form of the verb is the simple verb stem, without any marking. The stem typically derives from the infinitive of the lexifier, but occasionally it may derive from another form. In the English-based languages, the infinitival to is preserved only in varieties that are quite close to the lexifier. For example, it is missing in Bahamian Creole in (4).

In some English- and Dutch-based languages of the Caribbean region, a special “infinitival” (or subjunctive) form based on a preposition deriving from for may be used in ‘want’ complements:

(6)
Jan
John
waahn
want
fi
[inf
ga-a
go-to
skuul.
school]
John wants to go to school. See example 8-148
(7)
Am
3sg
mangkḗ
want
fo
[inf
gi
give
am
3sg
twaləfhondərt
twelvehundred
patakón
patacons]
[...]
[...]
He wants to give him twelve hundred patacons (currency name) [...]

3. ‘Want’ constructions with overtly expressed subject

In 13 languages of APiCS, the subject may be overtly expressed (value 2, already seen in (2) above). However, in none of the languages is this the only possibility, or even the majority option, and in some it is marginal. Most of these languages are spoken in central and western Africa. In the European-based languages, there is usually a complementizer present, such as pa in Angolar (ex. 2) and Santome (8), pou in Haitian Creole (9), fu/fa in Saramaccan (10), and se in Nigerian Pidgin (11). These complementizers are also used in different-subject ‘want’ constructions (see Chapter 98).

(8)
Sun
2sg.m
na
neg
mêsê
want
pa
[comp
sun
2sg.m
be
go
ku
with
mosu
boy
se
dem
f=ô?
neg]=pcl
Don't you want to go with the boy?
(9)
Mwen
1sg
vle
want
pou
[comp
m
1sg
marye
marry
ak
with
ou.
2sg]
I want to get married to you.
(10)
A
3sg
want
faa
[comp.3sg
go.
go]
He wants to go.
(11)
À
1sg.sbj
want
want
se
[comp
mek
sbjv
à
1sg.sbj
go
go
tawn.
town]
I want to go to town.

Since all these languages also have the simple implicit-subject constructions of the type seen earlier, the existence of the more complex overt-subject constructions is particularly surprising. Examples (12) and (13) show the corresponding implicit-subject patterns for Angolar and Haitian Creole.

(12)
Ê
3sg
mêthê
want
m’me
[eat
ũa
one
thing
rosi.
sweet
He wants to eat something sweet.
(13)
M
1sg
vle
want
tounen
[come.back
lakay.
house]
I want to go back home.

It seems that the only conceivable explanation is that the patterns in (2) and (8)-(11) are due to West African substrate influence. And indeed, Haspelmath (2005f) found that overt-subject constructions with ‘want’ are particularly common in West Africa, e.g.

(14)
É
he
jló
want
[comp
é
he
sbjv
yì.
leave]
He wants to leave.
(15)
M'-wèèk
1sg-want
'n-gê
[1sg-write
íkpá
letter]
I want to write a letter.

One of the APiCS languages with an African lexifier also has this pattern as an option:

(16)
a-ling-í
3sg-want-prs.prf
á-kenda
[3sg.sbjv-go]
He wants to go.

A very special overt-subject construction is found in Media Lengua:

(17)
profesora-ga
teacher-top
no
neg
bini-sha
[come-1sg.fut]
zi-n-chu
say-3-neg
The teacher does not want to come.

Here the complement-clause subject is first person, and (17) is literally ‘The teacher does not say I will come’.

4. Desiderative verbal affix

Two languages (Michif and Media Lengua) have a verbal affix that expresses ‘want’ (value 3). Here the subject is expressed only once, as in value 1, but not necessarily in close association with ‘want’.

(18)
Ki-maato-n
2-cry-2
ee-wii-ituhtee-yin
[comp-want-go-2
la
art.f.sg
dans.
dance]
You are crying because you want to go to the dance.

5. Desiderative particle

One language has an uninflected particle that expresses the notion ‘want’:

(19)
etus-pa
[3pl.hon-dat
kapstaay=ley
cleverness=like
noos
1pl
kera
want/vol
mustraa
show
kam-falaa,
cond-say]
noos
1pl
mes-prenda
oblig-study
If we want to/are going to demonstrate cleverness to them (i.e. the government), we must study.