Chapter 72: Nominal and verbal conjunction
1. Introduction⇫¶
In English and other European languages, the same coordinator (and) is used for the conjunction of NPs and the conjunction of verb phrases and clauses:
(1) a. the house and the garden
b. She was singing and dancing.
c. The children are playing and the adults are talking.
But in many pidgin and creole languages, nominal conjunction is expressed differently from verbal/clausal conjunction, e.g. in Palenquero (Schwegler 2013), where ku is used for nominal conjunction and i is used for clausal conjunction:
We thus ask whether nominal and verbal (or clausal) conjunction is expressed identically or is differentiated, along the lines of the corresponding WALS chapter (Haspelmath 2005):
 | Identity, overtly expressed | 37 |
 | Identity, expressed by juxtaposition | 1 |
 | Differentiation | 26 |
 | Overlap | 7 |
 | Identity and differentiation | 4 |
| Representation: | 75 | |
Note that for the purposes of this chapter, we are not differentiating between conjunction of verb phrases and conjunction of clauses, so “verbal conjunction” is short for ‘verbal or clausal conjunction’.
2. Identity⇫¶
Many APiCS languages are like the European languages in that they use the same marker for both contexts. This is particular common in English-based languages, where a reflex of and often survives (as well as in Afrikaans):
But it is also found in languages with non-European lexifiers such as Chinuk Wawa (pi), Ambon Malay (deng), Juba Arabic (wa, inherited from Arabic), and Sango (na). In Zamboanga Chabacano, the borrowed form pati ‘and’ can be used in both ways (just as Spanish-derived i).
In the French-based creoles, the words e (< French et) or epi (< French et puis ‘and then’) can often be used both nominally and verbally, e.g.
This use of épi is quite remarkable, because it shows the extension of a coordinator that was originally used verbally to the nominal domain.
While most languages with identity possess an overt coordinator, one language only uses juxtaposition:
3. Differentiation ⇫ ¶
Quite a few creole languages show the differentiating pattern seen above in (2) for Palenquero, with two different coordinators. Typically, the nominal conjunction marker is an innovation and derives from the preposition ‘with’ (cf. Palenquero ku < Spanish con), while the verbal conjunction marker is old (cf. Palenquero i < Spanish i). This is found in most of the Portuguese-based creoles as well as in the more radical creoles of the Caribbean region, such as Berbice Dutch, Saramaccan and Nengee, and Guyanais and Haitian Creole (see also Chapter 71 on nominal conjunction and comitative function), e.g.
The use of a conjunction marker that also (and originally) means ‘with’ and that is restricted to nominal conjunction is a striking example of a substrate-influenced feature (cf. Michaelis & Rosalie 2000). While differentiation is found throughout the world (except in western Eurasia), it is particularly common in Africa (Haspelmath 2005). Characteristically, differentiation is also found in the Bantu-based languages Lingala, Kikongo-Kituba, Fanakalo, and Mixed Ma’a/Mbugu. However, these lanaguages tend to use juxtaposition rather than a distinct coordinator for verbal/clausal conjunction.
Note that in many languages, juxtaposition is an additional option, especially with verbal conjunction (as in English, where and can be omitted from 1c). For this chapter, juxtaposition was taken into account only where it was the only or the major option. For example, in Papiá Kristang, juxtaposition is explicitly said to be the major option for verbal conjunction:
4. Overlap ⇫ ¶
In five languages, there are two forms, one of which can be used in both ways (identity) and one of which is restricted (differentiation). Interestingly, in all cases, the form with broader distribution is the old coordinator, while the form with narrower distribution derives from a comitative marker:
(8)| old form (nominal/verbal) | from comitative (only nominal) | |
|---|---|---|
| Cape Verdean (S.V.) | y | ma |
| Chinese Pidgin English | and | long |
| Diu Indo-Portuguese | i | ku |
| Kinubi | u | ma |
| Nigerin Pidgin | ànd | wìt, folo |
| Reunion Creole | e | ek |
In Reunion Creole, for example, é comes from French et and can be used nominally (9a) and verbally (9b), while ek comes from avec 'with' and is only used nominally (9c):
5. Identity and differentiation ⇫ ¶
Finally, a few languages have three different forms, one of which can be used nominally and verbally, while the other two forms can be used only nominally and only verbally, respectively. For example, in Pichi, àn ‘and’ can be used nominally and verbally, wìt ‘with, and’ can be used only nominally, and we can be used only for clausal conjunction.