Chapter 70: Comitatives and instrumentals

Feature information for this chapter can be found in feature 70.

1. Feature description

The concept ‘with, together with’ (comitative) can be expressed in the same way as the concept ‘with’ (instrumental); it may also be expressed differently (see WALS Chapter 52, Stolz et al. 2005). Instrumentals and comitatives may be rendered by different constructions in different languages; in this feature, serial verb constructions expressing comitatives and instrumentals are not taken into account unless they are the only way to express these concepts.

This chapter is closely related to Chapter 69 on instrumental expressions and Chapter 85 on take serials.

2. Feature values

The following values occur:

Identity54
Differentiation9
Overlap11
Representation:74

Identity means that there is only one marker for both functions (as in French avec). Differentiation indicates that there are two different markers for the two functions (as in Eskimo Pidgin kápa ‘instrumental’ vs. kánamakwst ‘comitative’). Overlap refers to the existence of two markers, one of which fulfils only one of the functions, while the other one can be used for both functions (as in Casamancese, where ku fulfils both the function of instrumental and comitative, whereas juntu ku only refers to the comitative).

The most widespread value for this feature is value 1, identity between instrumental and comitative markers (72%). Differentiation (value 2) represents 12%, and overlap (value 3) 16%. This result strongly contrasts with the WALS languages (Feature 52 of the WALS), where 76 languages out of 322 (24%) show value 1, 213 languages (66%) value 2, and 33 languages (10%) value 3 (which is called “mixed” in the WALS). The overrepresentation of value 1 in the APiCS languages might be due to the fact that the European languages, which are the major lexifiers of creoles and pidgins represented in the APiCS, almost exclusively show value 1 on the corresponding WALS map. This holds equally for Dutch and Spanish, which are not represented on the WALS map.

An example of identity comes from Media Lengua, where instrumental and comitative are expressed by the suffix –n:

(1)
a.
Inki
what
kuchillu-n-di
knife-ins-emph
korta-ka-ngi
cut-pst-2sg
pan-da?
bread-acc
With what knife did you cut the bread?
b.
Fernando
Fernando
tayta-n-lla
father-ins-delim
parisi-xu-n.
resemble-ipfv-3
Fernando looks like his father.

Another example of identity can be found in the bilingual mixed language Gurindji Kriol, which possesses two different markers, a preposition and a suffix, which can be used for both functions:

(2)
a.
I
3sg.sbj
bin
pst
hiya
here
na
foc
nyanuny
3sg.dat
Mami-yawung.
mother-com
She was here with her mother. (comitative)
b.
An
and
kengkaru
kangaroo
i
3sg
bin
pst
kilim
hit
kurrupartu-yawung
boomerang-ins
dat
det
karu-ngku.
child-erg
And the child hit the kangaroo with a boomerang. (instrumental)
c.
Dei
3pl
bin
pst
luk
see
det
det
ngakparn
frog
gat
with
nyanuny
3sg.dat
femli.
family
They saw the frog with his family. (comitative)
d.
Deim
3pl
kilim
hit
wan
one
marluka
old.man
gat
with
kurrupartu.
boomerang
They hit one old man with a boomerang. (instrumental)

Differentiation can be exemplified by Sri Lankan Malay, where the comitative is realized by the postposition samma, and the instrumental by the suffix -ring:

(3)
a.
Go
1sg
pe
poss
tummanpəðə
friend.pl
go
1sg
samma
com
Kirinde-na
Kirinda-dat
e-datang
asp-come
(aða).
aux
My friends have come to Kirinda with me. (comitative)
b.
Go
1sg
go
1sg
pe
poss
nama
name
penna-ring
pen-ins
e-tuulis
asp-write
(aða).
aux
I have written my name with a pen. (instrumental)

Another case of differentiation is represented by Chinese Pidgin Russian, where the instrumental is unmarked and the comitative rendered by postposed kampani ‘company’:

(4)
a.
Nada
must
kuʃaj
eat
malen'li
small
riumka,
glass
nimnoʃka
a.little
nalej.
pour
One should take it with a small glass of wine, just a little bit.
b.
Sorok
forty
diviata
ninth
iwo
3sg
kampani
company
tam
there
ʒiwi.
live
I lived with her since 1949.

Languages showing overlap may have one marker which refers both to comitative and instrumental, and one which is only comitative and monomorphemic (Capeverdean Creole of São Vicente, Reunion Creole):

(5)
a.
Li
3sg
travay
work
ek
with
son
poss.3sg
tonton.
uncle
He works with his uncle. (comitative)
b.
Lontan
in.the.past
pst
i
fin
do
èk
with
sak
bag
trésé
woven
an
of
vakoi
vacoa
In the past it was done with a bag made of vacoa. (instrumental)
c.
Alon
imp.1pl
partir
leave
la
def
butik
shop
ansanm
with
li.
3sg
Let's go to the shop with him. (comitative)

Another possibility for languages with overlap is to have one marker which refers to comitative and instrumental, and one which is exclusively comitative and bimorphemic, i.e. ‘together with’ (Casamancese, Cavite Chabacano, Diu Indo-Portuguese, Haitian Creole, Guinea-Bissau Kriyol, Ternate Chabacano):

(6)
a.
N
1sg
bay
go
Sicor
Ziguinchor
ku
with
ña
poss.1sg
yermoŋ.
sibling
I went to Ziguinchor with my brother/sister. (comitative)
b.
N
1sg
kartá
cut
karna
meat
ku
with
faka.
knife
I cut the meat with a knife. (instrumental)
c.
N
1sg
bay
go
Sicor
Ziguinchor
juntu
together
ku
with
ña
poss.1sg
yermoŋ.
sibling
I went to Ziguinchor with my brother/sister. (comitative)

A third possibility, which exists only in Bislama, is to have one marker, wetem, which refers to instrumental as well as to comitative, and one marker, long, which is exclusively instrumental:

(7)
a.
I
agr
had
hard
blong
purp
yu
2sg
spoelem
spoil
wetem
with
finga
finger
blong
poss
yu.
2sg
It's hard to ruin it with your fingers [alone]. (instrumental)
b.
Mifala
1pl.incl
i
agr
stap
stay
wetem
with
olfala
old.one
olgeta.
3pl
We were standing with all the old guys. (comitative)
c.
[...]
[...]
yu
2sg
karem
bring
long
ins
wan
indf
smol
small
samting
something
[...].
[...]
[...] you bring it (= pollen) [to the flower] with something small [...]. (comitative)

3. Areal Distribution

The areal distribution of the three values of this feature shows that identity (value 1) and overlap (value 3) are represented in all regions, whereas differentiation (value 2) is almost absent from the Americas, where only Chinuk Wawa displays this feature, and from Africa, where it only occurs in Fanakalo.