Datapoint Zamboanga Chabacano/Negation and tense, aspect, and mood marking

Propositions with past-reference are negated with the negative existential nuáy 'there is not'. This is obviosly a Visayan feature. All the rest is expressed by the Philippine particle hendéq. Forman (1972: 225): "Nway replaces the existentials and and the tense-aspect marker ya-"; but counter examples are Examples 95 and 98. Consequently, co-occurence is possible.

Values

Same TAM marking in negated clauses

Example 46-97:
Nuáy si John ya-tyéne motor.
Nuáy
neg.exist
si
ag
John
John
ya-tyéne
prf-have
motor.
motor
John didn't possess a motorbike.
Example 46-95:
Nuay 'le ya-komprá este líbro.
Nuay
neg.exist
'le
s/he
ya-komprá
pfv-buy
este
this
líbro.
book
He didn't buy this book.
Example 46-98:
Nuay ustédes ya-perdé.
Nuay
neg.exist
ustédes
you.pl
ya-perdé.
pfv-loose
You didn't loose.

Source: Chavacano reader corpus 2005

Example 46-99:
Ya-tyéne si John motor.
Ya-tyéne
pfv-have
si
ag
John
John
motor.
motorcycle
John had a motorcycle.
Example 46-100:
Ya-komprá yo mángga.
Ya-komprá
pfv-buy
yo
I
mángga.
mango
I bought mangoes/ a mango.
Example 46-96:
Hendéq 'le ta-komé.
Hendéq
neg
'le
3sg
ta-komé.
ipfv-eat
S/he is not eating.
Confidence:
Certain