The answer to the question of whether definite and indefinite articles exist in Kriol is not straightforward. Sandefur (1979) answers in the negative for both. Nicholls (2006, 2010) argues convincingly for the Roper River variety that the determiner det, derived from the English demonstrative that, has no deictic meaning component and is used as a recognitional determiner – that is, it is used in situations where the referent of a NP is considered as identifiable by the addressee, including anaphoric contexts. As such it is close in function and grammaticalization status to a definite article; however it is not used obligatorily in all "definite" contexts, but only if the identification of the referent is actually at stake and/or the referent is topical. The recognitional determiner also occurs with generic NPs (see Feature 30 "Generic noun phrases in subject function") and inherently definite NPs such as proper names.
Since this determiner, similarly to the German article, simultaneously fills a slot in the demonstrative paradigm and is used as a text-deictic demonstrative, Value 2 is chosen. As it has no spatial deictic value, it is glossed as DEM in the examples.
Source: Hudson 1985: 71
Source: Nicholls 2006: 3
Source: Nicholls 2006: 7
Source: Daniels et al. 2001
Source: Galmurr and Willika 1996
Source: Sandefur and Sandefur 1982: 65
Source: Angelo et al. 1998