Survey chapter: Cavite Chabacano

Structure data for these languages can be found in structure dataset 45.

1. Introduction

Cavite Chabacano is spoken in the city of Cavite, 35 kilometres southwest of Manila in the Philippines. It is one of the Spanish contact varieties that are spoken in the Philippines and known collectively as Chabacano. Cavite Chabacano has less than 4,000 speakers in Cavite City, which has a total of 105,000 inhabitants. There are also some speakers in the United States and other migrant worker destinations. The official languages of the Philippines are English and Filipino. Filipino is based on Tagalog, which is the main language in the Manila region where Cavite City is located. All speakers of Cavite Chabacano are bilingual in Chabacano and one or both of the above-mentioned official languages. Chabacano is mainly used at home among older speakers, and language shift is under way in Cavite City. English and Filipino are the languages used in the educational system, the media, and in local communication.

2. Sociohistorical background

Cavite City is located on the Cavite peninsula on the shores of Manila Bay. It guards the entrance to Manila, which was the administrative and ecclesiastical centre of the Spanish in the Philippines. In 1641 the Spanish constructed a fort and a naval yard on the Cavite peninsula, and this later became Cavite City (Lipski et al. 1996: 277).

According to Whinnom (1956: 11–12), Cavite Chabacano is the modern descendant of a contact variety that was brought to the Philippines from the Moluccas in the latter half of the 17th century. A group of local Christians were evacuated from the Moluccas to the Philippines and later resettled on the shores of Manila Bay where Cavite City and Ternate are today. The port of Cavite attracted workers from the surroundings because it was an important centre for the military and trade. However, in Cavite there may have existed a continuum of different contact varieties at the time of the formation of Cavite Chabacano (Lipski et al. 1996: 278). In the first centuries after the Spanish conquest, the Philippines had no direct contact with Spain. A galleon from Mexico visited the islands yearly, and the galleons were repaired and constructed in the Cavite shipyard. The inhabitants of the city were in daily contact with the Spanish in the port of Cavite and in commercial activities in Manila during the early colonial period and later in the 19th century when non-creole Spanish became a viable language in the Philippines. Consequently, modern Spanish has influenced Cavite Chabacano more extensively than the Ternate variety (Lipski 1986: 43–44, Whinnom 1956: 12; Sippola (2012), Ternate Chabacano, this volume).

At the beginning of the 19th century, a Spanish observer mentioned that the language of the inhabitants of Cavite City differed from the rest of the Tagalog-speaking province in that it was a very broken Spanish that had constructions of the local language (Martínez de Zúñiga 1893: 321). The first published texts in Cavite Chabacano are a collection of folktales by Santos y Gómez from 1924 (partly reproduced in Whinnom 1956).

Cavite Chabacano shares many grammatical structures and a great part of its vocabulary with Ternate Chabacano, which suggests a common origin and differentiates these two varieties from the southern varieties of Chabacano. All Chabacano varieties are mutually intelligible.

3. Sociolinguistic situation

Cavite Chabacano has a few thousand speakers, mostly people older than 60 years. The linguistic situation is characterized by high bilingualism in Chabacano, Tagalog, and English, and language shift is under way in the community. The use of Chabacano has been declining since World War II mainly because it is in competition with English and Filipino, the official languages of the Philippines (Lipski et al. 1996: 276). English and Filipino both enjoy a high social status in the current climate and are instrumental for social advancement. Filipino is based on Tagalog, which is the main language in the Manila region. Cavite Chabacano is employed for everyday communication in the home between some speakers, while Tagalog is generally used for local communication and entertainment. The language of business and higher education is mainly English (see also Gonzalez 1998: 489, 503).

There have been some attempts at conserving Chabacano in Cavite by means of language instruction and to revive interest in it among the younger generations. However, the official media of instruction are English and Filipino, and the teaching of Chabacano is only being carried out as a non-formal, extra-curricular activity. Work on educational materials is also under way in the city, but as for now, there is no standardized orthography for the language. Chabacano is promoted in connection to the local history and Hispanic cultural heritage. It has a high profile in local culture days, and a mass is held monthly in Chabacano (Romanillos 2006, Sippola 2010).

Currently there are no records of significant sociolectal variation for Cavite Chabacano. The default lect described in the APiCS database and in this article is almost entirely written Cavite Chabacano produced by language activists engaged in the promotion of the language.1

4. Phonology

Table 1. Vowels

front

central

back

close

i

u

mid

e

o

open

a

Cavite Chabacano has a system of five vowel phonemes (Table 1).  In unstressed syllables and in word final position, the mid vowels can be realized as close.

Cavite Chabacano consonants are presented in Table 2. The consonants /f/, /v/, /ʃ/, and /dʒ/ occur in loanwords from English.

Word stress is contrastive, as in casa [kása] ‘house’ and casá [kasá] ‘to marry’. Cavite Chabacano allows moderately complex syllable structures, with up to two consonants in the onset and nasals, liquids and obstruents in the coda, e.g. claro ‘clear’, trabaja ‘work’, sol ‘sun’, dolor ‘pain’, masipag ‘hardworking’.

Table 2. Consonants

bilabial

dental-alveolar

post-alveolar

palatal

velar

glottal

plosive

voiceless

p

t

k

ʔ

voiced

b

d

g

nasal

m

n

ŋ

trill/tap

r

fricative

voiceless

(f)

s

(ʃ)

h

voiced

(v)

affricate

voiceless

voiced

(dʒ)

lateral

l

glide

j

w

The usual orthography is based on Spanish and uses <c, qu> for /k/, <j> for /h/, <y> for /j/, <ch> for  /tʃ/, and so on.

5. Noun phrase

Nouns are invariable in Cavite Chabacano. Some nouns contain a fossilized element of the Spanish feminine article la, as in lamita ‘a half’ (Escalante 2005: 79). Natural gender is distinguished by different words, as in nana ‘mother’ and tata ‘father’; by the final vowel -o or -a in a small class of nouns, as in maestro ‘male teacher’ and maestra ‘female teacher’ (Escalante 2005: 94); or by adding hombre ‘male’ or mujer ‘woman’ to a noun, as in pavo hombre ‘male turkey’, pavo mujer ‘female turkey’.

Number is expressed by the preposed particle manga (mga, mana), as in manga libro ‘books’ (Llamado 1972: 70). Some nouns have maintained the Spanish plural marker -s, as in manzanas ‘apple(s)’, but it is no longer productive. There is an indefinite article un preposed to the noun, as in un carta ‘a letter’. El is used as a definite article, as in el hombre ‘the man’. Generic noun phrases are expressed by a definite article and generally also with the plural marker.

The adnominal and pronominal demonstratives are este ‘this (near the speaker)’, ese ‘that (near the hearer)’, and aquel ‘that’ (away from speaker and hearer) (Escalante 2010: 48). The adnominal demonstratives precede the noun, as in ese libro ‘that book’ (Llamado 1972: 77).

In possessive constructions, adnominal possessives precede the noun, as in mi hermana ‘my sister’, or they are expressed by adpositional marking following the possessum, as in el oficina di ele ‘his office’. In possessor noun phrases, the possessor is marked by adpositional marking, as in el nana di Gregoria ‘the mother of Gregoria’.

Table 3. Personal pronouns and adnominal possessives2


subject

object

adnominal possessives

1sg

yo

conmigo

mi, de mi(o)

2sg

bo, tu, uste

con bo, contigo, con uste

di bo, di tuyo, di uste

3sg

ele

con ele

su, di ele

1pl

niso(s)

con niso(s)

di niso(s)

2pl

buso(s), ustede(s)

con buso(s), con ustede(s)

di buso(s), di ustedes

3pl

ilo(s)

con ilo(s)

di ilo(s)

The set of singular subject pronouns is basically the same in all Chabacano varieties, but the plural forms niso(s) [1pl], buso(s) [2pl.intimate], and ilo(s) [3pl] differ. In Cavite Chabacano the second person singular has three forms contrasting in politeness, bo expressing intimate ‘you’, tu familiar ‘you’, and uste respectful ‘you’. In pronoun conjunction two different constructions can be used: Either with plural or singular pronoun, e.g niso di name, as in (1), or yo y name, which is considered more formal style.

(1)
Ya
pfv
anda
go
niso
1pl
di
of
Maria
Maria
na
loc
plasa.
market
Maria and I went to the market.

Indefinite pronouns algo ‘something’, alguno ‘somebody’ occur occasionally, but it is more common to use existential constructions to express indefinite terms, as in (2).

(2)
Tiene
exist
que
that
ya
pfv
llega.
come
Somebody came.

Negative indefinites ninguno ‘no one’ and nada ‘nothing’ occur with predicate negation, as in (3). Negative existential constructions can be used as well to express indefinite terms, as in (4).

(3)
No
neg
ya
pfv
lliga
come
ninguno.
nobody
Nobody came.
(4)
Nuay
neg.exist
quien
who
ya
pfv
pudi
can
mira
see
qui
that
no
neg
ya
pfv
cumi
eat
el
def
gato
cat
el
def
cumida.
food
Nobody could see that the cat did not eat the food.

The numerals are of Spanish origin and they precede the noun, as in dos libro ‘two books’. The ordinal numerals can be formed using the Tagalog origin prefix ika, as in ika-dos ‘second’, or following the Spanish numerals as in primero ‘first’ and segundo ‘second’.

Adjectives are generally invariant and can occur preceding or following the noun as in (5) and (6). A limited number of adjectives have Spanish feminine forms, e.g. guapa mujer ‘beautiful woman’.

(5)
Ya
pfv
pudi
can
cumpra
buy
yo
1sg
aquel
that
nuevo
new
libro.
book
I was able to buy that new book. (Llamado 1972: 80)
(6)
Saca
get
tu
2sg
el
def
manta
blanket
blanco.
white
Get the white blanket. (Escalante 2005: 14)

The comparison of the adjective is made with mas, as in (7). The Tagalog-origin prefix pinaka- and the Spanish-origin construction el mas alternate in the superlative construction, as in pinakaguapa ‘most beautiful’ and el mas guapa de todo ‘most beautiful of all’ (Escalante 2005: viii). The reduplication of adjectives has an intensifying function.

(7)
Mas
more
barato
cheap
el
def
plata
silver
que
than
el
def
oro.
gold
Silver is cheaper than gold. (Escalante 2005: 141)

6. Verb phrase

Cavite Chabacano has three overt aspect markers (ta, di, and ya). No combinations of the markers are possible. Ya marks the perfective aspect, ta marks the imperfective aspect, and di marks the contemplated aspect used to express irrealis and future meanings. There are two main forms of the verb, one derived from the Spanish infinitive, such as come ‘eat’ from comer, which combines with the preverbal markers, and the other from an inflected Spanish form for a limited group of verbs, including the modal verbs: debe ‘must’, quiere ‘want’, puede ‘can’, sabe ‘know’, tiene ‘have’, which generally occur without the preverbal markers (Ogiwara 2002: 68). Reduplication of verbs has iterative and progressive functions.

Table 4. Tense-Aspect-Mood markers

etymon

aspect

mood

ya

ya ‘already’

perfective,

past time reference

ta

está ‘be,prs.3sg’

imperfective,

past and present time reference

di

ha/he de ‘should/will’

contemplated,

future time reference

irrealis

The following examples illustrate the use of the imperfective aspect marker, which is used for progressive and habitual meanings with present and past reference.

(8)
Ta
ipfv
cree
believe
yo
1sg
con
obj
Dios.
god
I believe in God. (Escalante 2005: 33)
(9)
Ta
ipfv
trabaja
work
eli
3sg
na
loc
un
indf
oficina
office
del
of.the
gobierno.
government
He works in a government office. (Escalante 2005: 181)
(10)
Ta
ipfv
jugá
play
ele
3sg
cuando
when
yo
1sg
ya
pfv
llegá.
arrive
He was playing when I arrived. (Ogiwara 2002: 77, A6)

The perfective aspect marker is ya:

(11)
Ya
pfv
sumi
sink
el
def
barco
boat
cerca
close
na
loc
isla
island
de
of
Corregidor.
Corregidor
The boat sank near Corregidor Island. (Escalante 2005: 172)

The contemplated aspect marker di has future, intentional, and irrealis meanings.

(12)
Cuando
when
di
ctpl
quida
become
grande
big
yo,
1sg
di
ctpl
cumpra
buy
yo
1sg
un
indf
grande
big
casa.
house
When I become old, I will buy a big house.
(13)
Di
ctpl
anda
go
yo
1sg
alli
there
si
if
no
neg
di
ctpl
lluve.
rain
I will go there if it does not rain. (Escalante 2005: 166)

The imperative is expressed by the unmarked verb. The use of the personal pronoun is not obligatory, but very common.

(14)
Pone
put
tu
2sg
el
def
retrato
picture
na
loc
cuadro.
frame
Put the picture in the frame. (Escalante 2005: 34)

There is no copula for the expression of attribution and identity. These are expressed by juxtaposition in verbless clauses.

(15)
Sabroso
delicious
el
def
calabasa.
squash
The squash is delicious. (Escalante 2005: 19)
(16)
Maestra
teacher
el
def
mujer.
woman
The woman is a teacher. (Llamado 1972: 69)

Predicative locative phrases are formed with the copula ta, which combines with the locative adverbs, e.g. taqui < ta aqui [COP here] ‘is here’, talli < ta alli [COP there] ‘is there’, talla < ta alla [COP over.there] ‘is over there’.

(17)
Ta
cop.loc
na
loc
casa
house
ya
already
mi
my
nana.
mother
My mother is home. (Ogiwara 2002: 77, A3)
(18)
Talla
cop.loc.there
na
loc
escuela
school
el
def
supervisor.
supervisor
The supervisor is in school. (Llamado 1972: 76)

The existentials are expressed with the verb tiene, which also expresses possession.

(19)
Tiene
exist
jabon
soap
na
loc
baño.
bathroom
There is soap in the bathroom. (Escalante 2005: 73)
(20)
Tiene
exist
yo
1sg
casa.
house
I have a house. (Ogiwara 2002: 79, A18)

The verbal negation particle no precedes all verbal markers and pulls subject pronouns into preverbal position, as in (21). For negative existentials the negative copula nuay (noay, no hay) is used, as in (22).

(21)
No
neg
yo
1sg
ta
ipfv
conoce
know
con
obj
eli.
3sg
I do not know him. (Escalante 2005: 119)
(22)
Nuay
neg.exist
yo
1sg
casa.
house
I don't have a house. (Ogiwara 2002: 77, A5)

7. Simple sentences

Cavite Chabacano word order in declarative clauses is VSO:

(23)
Ya
pfv
buta
spill
el
def
muchacho
boy
el
def
leche.
milk
The boy spilled the milk. (Llamado 1972: 83)

The indefinite object can also occur before the subject with the order VOS. 

(24)
ya
pfv
cumpra
buy
mansanas
apple
el
def
mujer.
lady
The lady bought an apple. (Llamado 1972: 95)

Animate objects are marked by con, as in (25), but occasionally some inanimate definite objects also receive object marking.

(25)
Ya
pfv
mira
see
el
def
muchachito
little.boy
con
obj
un
indf
perro
dog
grande.
big
The boy saw a big dog.

The objects in ditransitive clauses generally occur in the order Odir Oindir:

(26)
Ya
pfv
dale
give
yo
1sg
el
def
mga
pl
platanos
banana
con
obj
el
def
muchachita
little.girl
na
loc
calle
street
I gave the bananas to the little girl on the street.

An expletive subject does not exist:

(27)
Tiene
exist
pa
still
mucho
many
patatas
potatoes
na
loc
frigider.
refrigerator
There are still plenty of potatoes in the refrigerator. (Escalante 2005: 134)

There is no morphological passive voice, but the agent can be omitted:

(28)
Ya
pfv
mata
kill
con
obj
el
def
rey.
king
The king was killed.

Reflexive voice is expressed in several ways – with an ordinary pronoun or with an ordinary pronoun that can be used together with mismo ‘self’ or cuerpo ‘body’. Mismo ‘self’ is also used as an intensifier.

(29)
Ya
pfv
mira
see
yo
1sg
conmigo3
1sg.obj
na
loc
espejo.
mirror
I saw myself in the mirror.
(30)
Conmigo
1sg.obj
mismo
self
yo
1sg
ya
pfv
mira
see
na
loc
espejo.
mirror
I saw myself in the mirror.
(31)
Ya
pfv
mata
kill
el
def
rey
king
con
obj
su
his
mismo
self
cuerpo.
body
The king killed himself.

Reciprocals are formed with the affixes mang-verb-han or with the use of uno con otro ‘one with/obj other’.

(32)
Ta
ipfv
mang-golpea-han
recp-hit-recp
el
def
mga
pl
muchacho.
boy
The boys are hitting each other.

Causative voice is formed with the verb ase ‘to make’, and it is used in various verbal chains, as in hace baja [make go.down] ‘to lower’ or hace bira [make turn] ‘to cause to turn’ (Escalante 2005: 61, Llamado 1972: 81). The verb dale ‘to give’ is often used in verbal chains to express recipient, as in dale presta [give borrow] ‘to lend’, dale cumi [give eat] ‘to feed’ (cf. Nolasco 2005: 426):

(33)
Ya
pfv
dale
give
mira
look
ele
3sg
el
def
retrato
picture
conmigo.
1sg.obj
She showed me the picture. (Llamado 1972: 82)

Cavite Chabacano makes use of several discourse particles, such as ya ‘already’, pa ‘yet’, raw/dawquotative’, rin/din ‘too’, numa/lang ‘only’, baquestion marker’; these generally occur in second position.

(34)
Lejos
far
din
also
naman
after.all
pala
so
el
the
escuela
school
aqui.
here
So the school is quite a distance from here. (Llamado 1972: 85)

8. Interrogative and focus constructions

In content questions the interrogative word is fronted, and the question particle ba can be used in second position:

(35)
Quien
who
ya
pfv
haci
make
este
this
casa?
house
Who made this house?
(36)
Quilaya
how
ba
q
tu
2sg
ta
ipfv
habla
speak
esi
that
na
in
Chabcano?
Chabacano
How do you say that in Chabacano? (Escalante 2005: 151)

Question words are como ‘why’, cosa ‘what’, cuando ‘when’, cuanto ‘how much’, cual ‘which’, donde ‘where’, quilaya ‘how’, and quien ‘who’.

Polar questions are also marked by the question particle ba or only by rising intonation:

(37)
Este
this
ba
q
tu
your
lapiz?
pen
Is this your pen?
(38)
Grandi
big
el
def
kasa?
house
Is the house big?

In focus constructions the focused element is fronted, and it can be marked by the relativizer que.

(39)
Ta
ipfv
camina
walk
Juan,
Juan
no
neg
ta
ipfv
curri
ran
na
loc
plaza.
market
It was walking that Juan did in the market, he did not run.
(40)
El
def
manzanas
apple
que
rel
ya
pfv
come
eat
yo.
1sg
It was the apple that I ate.

9. Complex sentences

The coordination conjunctions are y ‘and’, pero ‘but’, o ‘or’, ni ‘neither’.

     Object clauses with verbs of speaking and knowing show marking by the complementizer que. Si introduces indirect interrogatives.

     Adverbial clauses are introduced by the subordinators antes ‘before’, bago ‘before’, cuando ‘when’, pag ‘when’, and others.  Mas que ‘although’ is a common concessive conjunction.

     Relative clauses follow the head noun and are headed by the relativizer (el) que or the relative pronoun quien, with human reference used with prepositions.

(41)
Mojao
wet
el
def
toalla
towel
que
rel
ta
ipfv
usa
use
yo.
1sg
The towel that I am using is wet. (Escalante 2005: 179)
(42)
Del
from.def
Ciudad
city
de
of
Cavite
Cavite
el
def
muchacho
boy
con
obj
quien
who
tu
2sg
ya
pfv
mira
see
na
loc
television
television
anoche.
last.night
The boy you saw on television last night is from Cavite City.