Chapter 96: Complementizer with verbs of knowing

Feature information for this chapter can be found in feature 96.

1. Introduction

This is the second chapter which deals with complementizers (like English that). In this feature, we investigate a different verb class from Chapter 95, namely verbs of knowing, such as 'know', 'forget', or 'learn' in sentences like We knew that they had come. Verbs of knowing belong to the group of factive verbs where the content of the knowledge – expressed in the complement clause – is entailed. This fact puts factive verbs apart from non-factive verbs like ‘think’, ‘believe’, or ‘trust’, where the complement clause can be questioned or denied. (For ‘think’ complements, see Chapter 98.)

Complementizers are defined here as elements that link the embedded clause to the verb of knowing, not belonging either to the verb of knowing or to the embedded clause. Examples are fa in Fa d'Ambô (see ex. 1), ité in Mixed Ma’a/Mbugu (see ex. 2), and kay in Zamboanga Chabacano (see ex. 3):

(1)
Fo
since
desyi-se
day-dem
nge
person
tudu
all
know
fa
[say
bibi
bibi
na
neg
sa
be
patu
bird
d'ogó-f.
of.jungle-neg]
Since then everybody knows that the bibi is not a jungle bird.
(2)
te-tú-ila-íye
neg-1pl-know-prf
ité
[comp
hé-lo
16-have
vahe
people
vé-di-ye
2-stay-opt
iʔí
here]
We didn't know that there were people staying here.
(3)
Sábe
know
silá
they
kay
[comp
ay-bené
irr-come
le
3sg
légu.
later]
They know that she will come later.

Indirect questions like 'I don't know where...' or 'I don't know whether...' are disregarded in this feature.

As in Chapter 95, quite a few languages use a form of the verb 'say' as a complementizer with verbs of knowing. As these serial verb constructions have been intensely discussed in the creole literature, we are interested in their distribution as well.

2. The values

In this feature we distinguish four values:

exclshrdall
Complementizer identical to bare ‘say’71825
Complementizer consists of ‘say’ plus some other marker033
Complementizer not synchronically related to ‘say’113142
No complementizer163854
Representation:73

In 25 APiCS languages, we find a complementizer which is identical to a ‘say’ verb (value 1). Seven of these languages have this type as their only option (out of which San Andres Creole English is one):

(4)
An
and
di
art.def
daata
daughter
nuo
know
se
[comp
da
foc
neva
neg.pst
ihn
3sg.poss
muma.
mother]
And the daughter knew that it wasn't her mother.
(5)
Den
then
dey
they
gwine
going
know
know
say
[comp
wa
what
dey
they
been-a
pst-prog
do
do
ain
neg.aux
right.
right]
Then they are going to know that what they have been doing is not right.

In the Surinamese creoles, the complementizer is taki/táa ‘say’ (< English talk):

(6)
Mi
1sg
sábi
know
táa
[say
á
3sg.neg
búnu.
good]
I know that it is not good.
(7)
lo
3sg
hinga
know
a-tene
[pm-say
ni
3sg.log
eke
cop
wali
woman]
She knows that she's a woman.

One could classify the predicate marker a- in Sango as illustrating value 2 (‘say’ plus some additional marker, see next value). But as the predicate marker expresses person information, we interpret it as being part of the verb complex and therefore put it under value 1.

Only three languages show a ‘say’ verb with some additional marker (value 2): Berbice Dutch (bi dato ‘say that’), Sri Lanka Portuguese (falaa-tu ‘say-PFV’), and Seychelles Creole (pourdir ‘for.say’):

(8)
Pa
neg
konnen
know
pourdir
[comp
i
3sg
pe
prog
mor,
dead/die]
i
3sg
'n
prf
mor.
dead/die
One didn't know whether he was going to die, (but) he died.

The next two values are by far the most frequent values in this feature. 42 languages show a complementizer which is not synchronically related to ‘say’.

(9)
Es
they
sabe
know
ma
[comp
na
in
kel
that
tenpu,
time
es
they
tinha
had
ses
their
kazinha.
home]
They know that during that time, they had their house.
(10)
mo
1sg
kóne
know
ki
[comp
li
3sg
en
indf
kúyoṅ
fool]
I know that he is a fool.

Complementizers can be complex, as for instance in Vincentian Creole da hou (where both parts, da and hou, can be used on their own as complementizers).

(11)
Hi
3sg
no
know
da
[that
hou
how
shi
3sg
sik.
sick]
He knows that she is ill.

In Korlai, one finds a circumpositional complementizer composed of the general complementizer ki and the element puris:

(12)
Yo
1sg
sab
know
ki
[comp
ʋɔ
2sg.informal
parmi
1sg.obj
fut
mustra
show
puris.
comp]
I know that you will show me.

In Michif and Media Lengua, complementizers are affixes on the subordinate verb, ee- in ex. 13 and -shka- in ex. 14:

(13)
Robert
Robert
kishkeeht-am
know.it-3.sbj.3.obj
Mari
[Mary
ee-aahkoshi-yi-t.
comp-be.ill-obv-3]
Robert knows that Mary is ill.
(14)
no
neg
sabi-ni-chu
know-1sg-neg
Xwan
[Juan
bini-shka-da
come-nmlz-acc]
I don't know that John has come.

Fifty-four APiCS languages allow for no complementizer after verbs of knowing (value 4), 16 of which have this as their only option:

(15)
[...]
[...]
fodima
because
ju
2sg
wēt,
know
mi
[1sg
ha
have
fo
for
jet
eat
oka.
too]
[...] because you know that I have to eat too.
(16)
Ai
1sg
nomo
neg
bin
pst
jabi
know
yu
[2sg
bin
pst
go,
go
Nangari.
Nangari]
I didn't know that you went away, Nangari.

Interestingly, all pidgins in APiCS show exclusively this value.

(17)
innuk
[man
ababa
say]
tusara
understand
awoña
I
I know that a man is talking.

3. Discussion

An interesting question is whether languages which have the bare 'say' construction in Chapter 95 (with verbs of speaking) also have a bare 'say' construction in this feature. And indeed, it is striking that the values for the APiCS languages in Chapters 95 and 96 are nearly identically distributed, not only regarding the bare ‘say’ constructions. But there are some languages which show differences between complements of saying and knowing, e.g. Angolar, Ambon Malay, and Vincentian Creole—where the bare 'say' construction is not possible with verbs of knowing whereas it is possible with verbs of saying. In Papiá Kristang and in Hawai‘i Creole, verbs of saying show both strategies (with the complementizer ki/ dæt and no complementizer) whereas verbs of knowing only show no complementizers. In Diu Indo-Portuguese and Batavia Creole the option of a zero complementizer is only found with verbs of saying, and not with verbs of knowing.

APiCS languages show far fewer possible construction types with verbs of knowing than with verbs of saying (1.63 vs. 1.82 average value choices per language).

For a substratal explanation of the bare ‘say’ constructions, see § 3 in Chapter 95.