Chapter 89: Reciprocal constructions

Feature information for this chapter can be found in feature 89.

1. Introduction

In this chapter we ask how reciprocal constructions are expressed, and in particular whether they are identical to reflexive constructions or different from them (see Maslova & Nedjalkov 2005 for the corresponding WALS chapter). In most languages, there is a special reciprocal construction not identical to a reflexive construction, so within the languages with special reciprocal constructions, we make some further distinctions.

We focus on reciprocal constructions with transitive non-symmetrical verbs such as ‘see’ (‘The girl and the boy saw each other’). It should be noted that symmetrical verbs sometimes behave differently, e.g. in English, where with the verb kiss, no reciprocal pronoun is needed (The boy and the girl kissed). This is also the case in some creoles (e.g. Guadeloupean Creole yo bo ‘they kissed’), but such cases are disregarded here.

In the world’s languages, identity with reflexives is not uncommon, but distinct reciprocal constructions are more common, especially in Eurasia. Outside of the Americas, identity of reciprocals and reflexives is found especially in western and central Africa and in Australia Maslova & Nedjalkov 2005). For a very detailed study of reciprocals in the world’s languages, see Nedjalkov (ed.) 2007.

We distinguish six different values:

Reciprocal construction identical to reflexive10
Identical and special reciprocal construction9
Special reciprocal construction based on 'other'25
Special reciprocal construction based on 'companion'7
Other special reciprocal construction15
No reciprocal construction exists3
Representation:69

2. Identity

In nineteen languages, there exists a reciprocal construction which is identical to a reflexive construction. In ten languages (value 1), this is the only possibility, while in nine further languages (value 2), there is also another construction which is different from reflexive constructions. Identity is found especially in African English-based languages and in the very basilectal Caribbean English-based languages, where self is also used in reciprocal constructions:

(1)
Dem
3pl.sbj
laik
like
dem-sef.
3pl-refl
They like each other.
(2)
De
3pl
lobi
love
de
3pl
seei.
self
They love each other.

Such sentences are usually ambiguous in these languages, i.e. they could also mean ‘They like/love themselves’. Identity is also found in the Australian languages Kriol and Gurindji Kriol, again based on a form deriving from self:

(3)
"Watja
hurry
watja"
hurry
jei
3pl.sbj
bin
pst
tok
talk
mijelp
recp
nganta.
doubt
"Hurry hurry", I reckon they were saying to each other.

Both the Atlantic and Australian patterns may well be due to substrate influence, as identity of reciprocal and reflexive constructions occurs prominently in West African and Australian languages. Tok Pisin, too, has identity, based on the form yet (derived from English yet, also used as a focus marker):

(4)
Pikinini
child
bik-pla
big-mod
na
and
ol
3pl
maret-im
marry-tr
ol
3pl
yet.
foc
The children grew big and married each other.

In the Atlantic English-based languages, only the self reflexives, and not the ‘body’ reflexives can normally be used as reciprocals, and likewise, in Mauritian Creole, only the mem reflexive, and not the ‘body’ reflexive (with so lekor ‘his body’) can be extended to reciprocal use (see Chapter 87 on reflexive constructions). However, there is one African language with identity using the ‘body’ word: In Sango, tere ‘body’ is used both as a reflexive and as a reciprocal pronoun.

Palenquero is unique in that zero-marking has both a reflexive and a reciprocal sense:

(5)
Ané
they
ndo
two
a
pst
besá
kiss
The two of them kissed each other.

3. Special reciprocal constructions

Most of the APiCS languages have a special reciprocal construction. Frequently, this involves a reciprocal pronoun deriving from or including the element ‘other’ (value 3). The English-based varieties that are closer to English usually have a form deriving from one another (or occasionally each other), and the French-based varieties that are closer to French have a form deriving from French l’un l’autre [the.one the.other]. Some Portuguese-derived languages have a form such as Guinea-Bissau Kriyol un utru [one other], Casamancese Creole ŋutur (< uŋ utru).

But there are also ‘other’-based forms that are less close to the lexifiers and that are clearly innovative with respect to them. In the Gulf of Guinea creoles, ‘other’ by itself may be used as in Santome, or ‘other’ is used both in subject position and in object position, as in Principense (similarly in Batavia Creole):

(6)
Ũa
one
ska
prog
mat'
kill
ôtlô.
other
They are killing each other.
(7)
Ôtô
other
sa
prog
mêê
want
mata
kill
ôtô.
other
They wanted to kill each other.

Other’ by itself, as in Santome, is also found in Caribbean French-based creoles (as well as in Papiamentu), e.g.

(8)
Yonn
one
ka
prog
gadé
look
lot.
other
They are looking at each other.

This category also includes Afrikaans mekaar, derived from Dutch malk-ander ‘each other’.

Innovative reciprocal pronouns may also be derived from a ‘companion’ word (value 4), as in Cape Verdean Creole and in some French-based languages:

(9)
Nu
we
ta
hab
sai,
go.out
ta
hab
spia
look
kunpanheru,
companion
pa
on
kaminhu.
way
We would go out, looking at each other on the way.
(10)
they
konnèt
know
them
kompannyen
friend
They know each other.
(11)
Nou
1pl
pa
neg
zwenn
meet
kanmarad.
each.other
We don't meet each other.

Also the special form matii in Creolese (which was also borrowed into Berbice Dutch as mati) originally meant ‘friend, companion’:

(12)
dem
3pl
hog
hug
op
up
matii
friend
They hugged up each other.

This category also includes forms derived from Dutch malk-ander ‘each other’ (such as Afrikaans mekaar, Early Sranan makanderen, Saramaccan makanda; in the latter two languages, the word is a borrowing).

In addition, various other special reciprocal markers occur in our languages (value 5):

– reciprocal affixes derived from Bantu (in Lingala, Kikongo-Kituba and Mixed Ma’a/Mbugu), from Philippine languages (in some of the Chabacano varieties), from Malay (in Ambon Malay), from Quechua (in Media Lengua) and from Cree (in Michif)

– the reduplicated numeral ‘two’ in Papiá Kristang (dos dos), and the reduplicated numeral ‘one’ in Singapore Bazaar Malay (satu satu).

(13)
Pedru
Pedru
ku
com
Maria
Maria
dos~dos
two~two
busidu
hate
Pedru and Maria hate each other.

– the reciprocal marker badum in Juba Arabic and Kinubi (inherited from Arabic baʕdu-hum ‘beside them, together’)

– the auxiliary hugá ‘play’ in Ternate Chabacano:

(14)
Ta
ipfv
hugá
play.recp
keré
love
lótro
3pl
dos.
two
The two of them love each other. (lit. The two of them play loving.)

4. Non-existence

Some languages simply lack a special reciprocal form or construction (value 6) and use an “iconic” mode of rendering mutual situations, i.e. the two situations are expressed by two clauses, with the participants expressed twice.

(15)
yu
2SG
yu
2SG
save
know
mi,
1SG
mi
1SG
save
know
yu
2SG
You know me and I know you (='We know each other.')