Chapter 54: Suppletion according to tense and aspect

Feature information for this chapter can be found in feature 54.

1. Feature description

In this chapter, we ask whether verbs exhibit suppletion (different stems in different grammatical contexts) depending on different tense or aspect forms. We distinguish two degrees of suppletion. In strong suppletion, there are two different stems that share no phonological material at all (as English go vs. went), whereas in weak suppletion, the two irregularly related stems share some phonological material (as English think vs. thought).

It is irrelevant for this feature how many verbs in a given languages exhibit strong or weak suppletion. It suffices that verbal suppletion exists in only one verb. Note that in most APiCS languages, suppletion occurs only in a few high-frequency verbs.

We consider only stem suppletion (as English go vs. went). Formal irregularity is determined by synchronic, not by diachronic criteria; therefore, the historical origin of the suppletive forms and their etymologies are not taken into account here.

This feature is related to WALS feature 79 (Veselinova 2005).

2. The values

We distinguish the following six values:

Weak suppletion according to tense only6
Strong suppletion according to tense only17
Weak suppletion according to aspect only2
Strong suppletion according to aspect only1
Strong suppletion according to both tense and aspect5
No suppletion according to tense or aspect45
Representation:76

Less than half of our languages show any suppletion, and in most of them, suppletion is according to tense (generally present vs. past tense).

Value 1 (weak suppletion according to tense only) is found in four Ibero-Romance-based languages (Cape Verdean Creole of Brava, Palenquero, Papiamentu, Cavite Chabacano), as well as in Kinubi and Norf’k.

(1)
a.
N
1sg
ten
have
fidju
child
ki
rel
ten
have
seti
seven
fidju.
child
I have a child that has seven children.
b.
Es
3pl
tinha
have.pst
ses
poss.3pl
kazinha
house
ma
but
es
3pl
ben
come
bende.
sell
They had their house but they came to sell it.
(2)
a.
ána
1sg
kun
cop.prs
"well
well
organized"
organized
I am well organized.
b.
Úmun
3pl
kan
cop.pst
ásker.
soldier
They were soldiers.

Weak suppletion should be taken to mean ‘at most weak suppletion’. If a language shows both weak and strong suppletion, it is classified as having strong suppletion.

Value 2 (strong suppletion according to tense only) occurs in six Ibero-Romance-based languages, in seven English-based languages, in two French-based languages, and in two Dutch-based languages.

(3)
a.
Jack,
Jack
ju
2sg
skun
shoe
mi
cop.prs
skon.
clean
Jack, your shoes are clean.
b.
[...]
[...]
mushi
many
fan
of
sinu
3pl
a
pst
wēs
cop
me
with
am.
3sg
[...] many of them were with him.
(4)
a.
1sg
no
know
is
cop.prs
da
art
seɪm
same
wan
one
[...]
[...]
I know it's the same one [...].
b.
Sambaɾi
somebody
waz
cop.pst
ɹaɪd
right
dɛa.
there
Somebody was right there.
(5)
Mwen
1sg
cop.prs
byen
well
kontan. /
pleased
Mwen
1sg
lété
cop.pst
byen
well
kontan. /
pleased
Mi
1sg
sra
cop.fut
byen
well
kontan.
pleased
I am very pleased. / I was very pleased. / I will be very pleased.

In the Reunion Creole example, the opposition between le vs. lete is a case of weak suppletion according to tense, but the opposition between these two markers and sra is a case of strong suppletion according to tense.

(6)
a.
Wat
what
dat
dem
iz?
cop.prs
What is that?
b.
Ai
1sg
liv-d
live-pst
tu
to
sii
see
hou
how
woz
cop.pst
obiidient.
obedient
I lived at the time and recall how obedient we were.
c.
Aligieta
alligator
gou
gou.prs
ap
up
tu
to
footiin
fourteen
fiit.
feet
Alligators measure up to fourteen feet.
d.
Hou
how
yu
2sg
gwain
go.prs.prog
hevn
heaven
an
and
noh
not
hav
have
wing
wing
fa
for
flai?
fly
How are you going to heaven even though you don't have wings to fly?.
e.
Wi
1pl
gaan
go.pst
de
there
twelv
twelve
oklak
o'clock
We went there at twelve o'clock.

In the Nicaraguan Creole English examples, the opposition between iz and woz shows strong suppletion according to tense, the opposition between gou and gaan illustrates weak suppletion according to tense, and gwain refers to weak aspect suppletion. Remember that in languages with strong suppletion, weak suppletion is not taken into account in order to assign the value.

Value 3 (weak suppletion according to aspect only) occurs in San Andres Creole English and in Saramaccan.

(7)
a.
Mi
1sg
go
go
a
loc
di
art
wosu.
house
I went to the house.
b.
Me
1sg.neg
ta
prog
ko,
come
mi
1sg
nango.
prog.go
I am not coming, I am leaving.

Value 4 (strong suppletion according to aspect only) occurs only in Chinese Pidgin Russian: xodi ‘go (imperfective)’ vs. paʃola ‘has gone (perfective)’.

Value 5, strong suppletion according to both tense and aspect, occurs in four Portuguese-based creoles (Cape Verdean Creole of São Vicente, Casamancese Creole, Principense, Korlai), as well as in Creolese.

(8)
a.
N
1sg
ka
neg
sabê. /
know
N
1sg
ka
neg
sabia. /
know.pst.ipfv
N
1sg
sub.
know.pst.pfv
I don't know. / I didn't know. / I got to know.
b.
Última
last
foi /
cop.pst.pfv
éra /
cop.pst.ipfv
e
cop.prs
nha
poss.1sg
tia.
aunt
The last one was / is my aunt.

Example (8a) illustrates weak suppletion according to tense and aspect, and example (8b) illustrates strong suppletion according to tense and aspect.

(9)
yo
1sg
tanan /
go.prog.prs
yo
1sg
ti
pst
andan /
go.prog
yo
1sg
ti
pst
anda /
go.hab
yo
1sg
yafoy
go.pst.pfv
I am going / I was going / I used to go / I went.

3. Distribution

Suppletion, strong or weak, occurs in 31 APiCS languages, i.e. in 41% of the sample. It is present in all regions of the world, except in Southeast Asia and the Pacific, but almost exclusively in creole languages, the exceptions being African American English, Afrikaans, and Chinese Pidgin Russian.

In the APiCS languages, only few verbs show suppletion according to tense and aspect; in most cases, these verbs are statives (‘be’, ‘have’, ‘know’); the most frequent dynamic verb showing suppletion is ‘go’. All these verbs are very frequently used verbs, in the lexifier languages as well as in the APiCS languages themselves.

In the WALS languages (see Veselinova 2005), tense and aspect suppletion occurs mainly in Europe and Western Asia up to South Asia, whereas in the APiCS languages, it is very frequent in the Caribbean and West Africa. In most APiCS languages, tense and aspect suppletion is inherited from their European lexifiers.