Chapter 53: Aspect change in verb chains

Feature information for this chapter can be found in feature 53.

1. Feature description

Aspect change in verb chains concerns the possibility of marking the second verb in a chain for imperfective aspect (usually with a progressive function) in spite of the fact that the first verb in the chain is marked – or zero-marked, as in many creoles – for perfective aspect. In these cases, the first verb refers to a story-line event, and the second verb refers to a backgrounded event.

Note that in this context, verb chain is understood as being similar to serial verb constructions (absence of overt marker of coordination, subordination, or syntactic dependency of any sort, see Aikhenvald & Dixon 2006: 1); but, in contrast to serial verb constructions, verb chains refer to two (or more) consecutive actions whereby the second verb does not modify the other verb in any way.

It must be stressed that the two events described by the verb chain do not overlap, i.e. the situation referred to by the second verb begins after the situation of the first verb has been completed. However, the situation of the second verb overlaps with the situation(s) referred to by the subsequent verb(s). Consider the following example from Papiamentu:

(1)
Yan
Yan
a
pfv
kana
walk
bai
go
dirèkt
directly
den
loc
santana.
church
Pareu
as.soon.as
ku
that
Yan
Yan
a
pfv
yega,
arrive
Yan
Yan
a
pfv
mira
see
e
art
skòp
spade
ku
with
e
art
piki.
pickaxe
Yan
Yan
a
pfv
kohe
take
nan
3pl
ta
prog
bai
go
kas.
home
Pero
but
apénas
no.sooner
Yan
Yan
a
pfv
bira
turn
su
poss.3sg
lomba
back
el
3sg
a
pfv
tende:
hear
[...].
[...]
Yan
Yan
a
pfv
sigui
go.on
ta
prog
bai,
go
Yan
Yan
a
pfv
bolbe
rep
tende:
hear
[...].
[...]
Di ripiente
suddenly
un
a
stèm
voice
a
pfv
puntra:
ask
[...]
[...]
Yan
Yan
[...]
[...]
a
pfv
mira
see
un
a
buraku
hole
mitar
half
habrí,
opened
ku
with
un
a
hende
person
ta
prog
sali
come.out
afó.
outside
[...]
[...]
el
3sg
a
pfv
yega
arrive
serka
near
e
art
hòmbër,
man
el
3sg
a
pfv
bati'é
hit=3sg
mata,
kill
der'é
bury=3sg
na
on
drechi
right
i
and
sali
leave
bai
go
kas.
home
Yan walked directly into the church. As soon as he had arrived, he saw the spade and the pickaxe. He took them and began walking home. But no sooner had he turned over than he heard: [...]. He went on. He heard again: [...]. All of a sudden, a voice asked: [...] Yan saw a hole, half opened, with somebody coming out [...] he approached the man, he hit him dead, buried him correctly, left and went home.

In the first verb chain, Yan a kohe nan ta bai kas, ta bai kas, literally ‘was going home’, starts after a kohe nan ‘took them’; but Yan, the person referred to by the subject, performs the action of going home (ta bai kas) during the whole paragraph, and so ta bai kas forms the background for all the following situations, described by the verbs bira ‘turn over’, tende ‘hear’, sigui ‘go on’, bolbe tende ‘hear again’, mira ‘see’, bati’e mata ‘hit him dead’, dera ‘bury’, and sali ‘leave’. It is only at the end of the paragraph that Yan, the person referred to by the subject, arrives at home (bai kas ‘went home’).

A similar construction can be found in Korlai and Batavia Creole, but unlike the Papiamentu example, the aspect change takes place in paratactic or coordinated constructions:

(2)
Rhat
rat
ja
pfv
tumo
take.pfv
patɛk.
watermelon
El
3sg
marcha-n
walk-prog
ku
with
kami.
road
El
3sg
ja
pfv
kaso.
tire.pfv
The rat took the watermelon, then began walking on the road. It got tired.
(Portuguese: O rato tomou a melancia e continuou seu caminho. Ficou cansado.)
(3)
[...]
[...]
e
and
Ø
pfv
acha
get
por
purp
ola
see
di
from
londji
far
ung
art
liang
lion
[...].
[...]
Di
of
medu
fear
ilotër
3pl
ste
ipfv
kore
run
e
and
Ø
pfv
chega
arrive
na
loc
sidadi.
city
[...] and from far they got to see a lion. [...]. Being afraid they began running away and arrived at the city.

In other words, the aspect change illustrated in examples (2) and (3) does not take place in a verb chain and is therefore not regarded as an aspect change in a verb chain.

Notice that in European languages like Portuguese or English it is not possible, or at least not common, to have such an aspect change in two coordinated or two paratactic sentences:

(4)
Portuguese
Eles
3pl
viram
see.pst.pfv
um
a
leão.
lion
*/?Eles
3pl
estavam
cop.3pl.pst
a
prep
correr
run
a
and
chegaram
arrive.pst.pfv
à
at
cidade.
city
They saw a lion. They */? were running and arrived at the city.

In both Portuguese and English, an inceptive aspect verb is used: continuou seu caminho and began walking, or começaram a correr and began running. But the fact that the Portuguese and English translation uses an inceptive aspect verb does not mean that the creole progressive markers have an inceptive aspect function. If they did, they could not form the background for subsequent situations since inceptive verbs refer to the beginning of a situation and not to its duration. In Portuguese, it is the noun phrase seu caminho and the infinitive correr that form the background, and in English the gerunds walking and running.

2. The values

For this feature, the following three values are distinguished:

Aspect change in verb chains is possible17
Aspect change in verb chains is not possible24
Verb chaining does not exist25
Representation:66

Value 1 (Aspect change in verb chains) is an almost exclusively Atlantic feature occurring in West Africa (8 languages) as well as in the Caribbean (also 8 languages), the exception being Mauritian Creole in the Indian Ocean.

This value is found in eight Ibero-Romance-based languages, in four English-based languages, in four French-based languages, and in Berbice Dutch. It occurs exclusively in creole languages. Examples (5)-(10) illustrate the phenomenon further.

(5)
No
1pl
táva
pst
te
prog
andá,
walk
un
one
d'es
of.dem
Ø
pfv
vrá
turn
te
prog
xutá-nos.
kick-1pl
We were walking, one of them turned [and began] to kick us.
(6)
N
1sg
Ø
pfv
sai
leave
na
prog
yanda
walk
ba
pst
na
loc
strada,
road
katcur
dog
ladran
bark.1sg
toki
until
N
1sg
tciga
arrive
kasa.
home
I left [and while I] was walking on the road, a dog barked at me till I got home.

Note that in example (6), the second verb is not only marked for aspect (na), but also for tense (ba).

(7)
N
1sg
xyê
leave
sa
prog
ke
ipfv.go
n'ifi-kumin,
loc=road
kasô
dog
kupa
bark
mi
1sg
ten
till
txyô.
farm
I left [and while I] was walking on the road, a dog barked at me till I got home.
(8)
Mi
1sg
Ø
pfv
lef
leave
mi
poss.1sg
hous
house
a
ipfv
waak
walk
dong
down
di
def
rood
road
an
and
daag
dog
kom
come
baak
bark
bihain
behind
mi.
1sg
I left my house and was walking down the road, when a dog came behind me barking.
(9)
A
3sg
Ø
pfv
fáa
chop
páu
tree
prog
túe.
fall
He is felling the tree (i.e. at this very moment the tree is falling).
(10)
An
1sg
Ø
pfv
pati
leave
ka
prog
maché
walk
tou
all
byen,
good
mwen
1sg
enki
suddenly
vwè
see
on
indf
chyen
dog
douvan
in.front.of
mwen.
1sg
I left and as I was walking idly, I suddenly saw a dog in front of me.

This almost exclusively Atlantic construction needs more investigation in order to establish its exact syntactic status.